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Diplomatic correspondence.

An imperfect statement of Mr. Faulkner's interview with M. Thouvenel, the French courier for Foreign Affairs, has been published, the Department of State at Washington has thought proper to publish the correspondence. We have already noticed the decisive instructions of Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton growing out of Mr. Faulkner's letter:


Legation of the United States.

Paris April 15, 1861.
Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State:--

Sir:--I called to-day upon M. Thouvenel, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and was promptly admitted to an interview. Agreeably to your request, I handed to him a copy of the inaugural address of President Lincoln, and added that I was instructed by you to say to him that it embraced the views of the President of the United States upon the difficulties which now disturb the harmony of the American Union, and also an exposition of the general policy which it was the purpose of the government to pursue with a view to the preservation of domestic peace and the maintenance of the Federal Union. Here M. Thouvenel asked if there was not some diversity of opinion in the Cabinet of the President as to the proper mode of meeting the difficulties which now disturbed the relations of the Senators and General Government. I replied, upon that point I had no information. Under our system the Cabinet was an advising body, as opinions were entitled to weight, but did not successfully compel the action of the President — the executive power was by the Constitution vested exclusively in the President. I said that I was further instructed to assure you that the President of the United States entertains a full confidence in the speedy reconsideration of harmony and unity of the Government by a firm, yet just and liberal policy cooperating with the deliberate and loyal action of the American people. M. Thouvenel expressed his pleasure at the assurance.

I further said that the President regretted the events going on in the United States might be productive of some possible inconvenience to the people and subjects of France, that he was determined that those inconvenience shall be made as light and transient as and, so far as it may rest with him, that all strangers who may suffer any injury from them shall be indemnified. I said to that the President thought it not impossible to appeal would be made before long by the Confederate States to foreign Powers, and, against others, to the Government of France, as the recognition of their independence; that to such appeal having yet been made, it was premature and out of place to discuss any of the exports involved in that delicate and important inquiry; but the Government of the United States desired the fact to be known that whenever any such application shall be made to will meet with opposition from the Minister who shall then represent that Government at this Court. I said to him that permission at this Court would soon terminate, and I should have no official connection with the question which it was anticipated that arise upon the demand of the Confederate States for recognition of their independency that my place would soon be supplied by a distinguished citizen of the State of New Jersey, a gentleman who possessed the of the President, who fully sympathized in his public views, and who would come fully instructed as to the then and views of the Government of the United States, and that the only request which I would now make, and which would all I had to say in the interview, was that no proposition recognizing the permanent of the American Union shall be considered by the French Government until after the arrival and reception of the new Minister accredited by the United States to this Court.

M. Thouvenel, in reply, said that no application of yet been made to him by the Confederate States in any form for the recognition of their independence, that the French Government was not in the habit of acting hastily upon such questions, as might be seen by its earliness in recognizing the new kingdom of Italy, that he believed the maintenance of the Federal Union in its integrity was to be desired for the benefit of the people of the North and South, as well as for the interest of France, and the Government of the United States might rest well assured that no nasty nor precipitate action would be taken on that subject by the Emperor. But whilst he gave appearance to these views, he was equally found to say that the practice and usage of the present century had fully established the right of de facto Governments to recognition when a proper case was made out for the decision of foreign Powers. Here the official interview ended.

The conversation was then further protracted for an inquiry from M. Thouvenel when the new tariff would go into operation, and whether it was to be regarded as the settled policy of the Government. I told him that the first day of the present month had been prescribed as the period when the new duties would take effect; that I had not yet examined the provisions with such care as would justify as in pronouncing an opinion upon its merits; that it was condemned by the commercial Masses of the country, and that I had no doubt, that the discontent manifested in several quarters, that the subject would engage the attention of Congress at its next meeting, and probably some important modifications would it the finances of the Government were at this time temporarily embarrassed, and would no doubt the provisions of the new tariff were adopted with a view, although probably a mistaken one, of sustaining the credit of the Treasury as much as reviving the protective policy. He then asked me my opinion as to the course of policy that would be adopted toward the seceding States, and whether I thought force would be employed to coerce them into submission to the Federal authority. I told him that I could only give him my individual opinion, and that I thought force would not be employed; that ours was a Government of public opinion, and although the Union unquestionably possessed all the ordinary powers necessary for its preservation; as had been shown in several partial reconstructions which had occurred in our history that the extreme power of the Government could only be used in accordance with public opinion, and that I was satisfied that the sentiment of the people was opposed to the employment of force against the seceding States. So sincere was the deference felt at that country for the great principles of self government, and so great the respect for the front of the people when adopted, under the repressing forms of State organization and State sovereignty, that I did not think the employment of force would be tolerated for a continent and I thought the only solution of any difficulties would be found in such modifications of our constitutional compact as would invite the seceding States back into the Union of a peaceful acquiescence in the assertion of their claims to a separate sovereignty. M. Thouvenel expressed the opinion that its employment of force would be unwise, and would tend to a further rupture of the Confederacy, by causing the remaining Southern States to make common cause with the States which had already taken action on the project.

Chas. J. Faulener. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant.

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