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England and the South.

We think that all our readers must have been struck with the emphatic denunciations in Secretary Floyd's letter, published in yesterday's Dispatch, of the course which Great Britain has pursued towards the United States upon the question of slavery. The secret of it all is disclosed in these few lines of the Secretary's letter:

‘ "Twenty-five years more of union and harmony will concentrate the controlling commercial power of the world in the waters of New York — Then, the decline of England becomes as certain as was that of Alexandria and Venice, and for the same cause. Instead of the first, she becomes a third-rate European power. But let disunion take place — let civil war and discord distract this country, and England well knows that the ships of the North must rot at their wharves, and the busy hum of their manufactories must cease forever.--Then, Indeed, would England find again that she was mistress of the seas, without a rival, secure in a commerce that no power could ever shake"

’ In all that Gov. Floyd says about the injustice, the dishonesty, the profound malignity of England towards the South we heartily concur. She planted slavery here with her own hands, forced it upon us indeed to an extent against which we remonstrated, and now she needs to tea. It up by the roots, and involve all who have sought repose under its branches in a common rain. But when the distinguished writer attributes all this to blind fanaticism, which takes no counsel of interest, and never will, we beg leave most respectfully to dissent. The instances which he mentions of the predominance of English fanaticism over practical ideas, are not at all satisfactory.-- Emancipation in Jamaica was an experiment which all intelligent Englishmen now admit has signally failed. Moreover, it was urged on the ground of interest, and argued that free labor was so superior to slave labor that England would receive fourfold her expenditures for emancipation in the reduced price of tropical productions. If Englishmen had not been convinced it would pay, we may well doubt whether West India emancipation would ever have been effected. The cases Mr. Floyd mentions of India and China establish the opposite of his proposition, and show conclusively that, where her interests are concerned, England does not suffer her course to be affected in the slightest degree by genuine or fanatical scruples of conscience. She forced the Chinese at the point of the bayonet to open the opium trade, and instead of desolating "India because that benighted people are averse to rendering up their independence and their rupees in exchange for Bibles and a crushing military despotism," she, to this day, has never dared to hazard her Indian empire by so much as putting Christianity, her own religion, before India on an equal platform with other religions, and she actually discourages its extension, by withholding honors and promotion from the Sepoys who embrace the Christian religion.--We do not doubt that she is a Christian nation; we believe that her people are among the most sincere and devout Christians on the face of the earth; but the government, in its conduct of public affairs, never permits the religious ideas of the people to stand in the way of its power and interests. The English people are not fanatical; Exeter Hall is not a fair type of their religion or their philanthropy; on the contrary, England is the most common-sense and practical of nations.--Prove to the English people that anti-slavery will not pay, and they will wash their hands of it with commendable alacrity. Six millions of their people are dependent upon the manufacture of cotton for their daily bread. and their vast commerce finds in the transportation of the raw material, and of the fabrics into which it is worked, one of the principal sources of its prosperity. When England has to decide whether she will give up cotton and commerce, or conscience, she will decide that the last is too expensive a luxury to be retained. Conscience will have to go, and she will not only vouchsafe the South her toleration, but anything else that may be necessary to get the cotton. But we want her not. We recognize her — either from fanaticism or policy--(we think the latter,) as the author of all our woes. The South asks only justice from the North, and if denied this, she has hands strong enough to defend her own firesides, and hearts which would rather cease to beat than see her a province either of the North or Great Britain.

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