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Bloody Black Republican Toryism.
[from the New York Daily news, June 27.]

The shallowest, most conceited, and flippant, as well as the most unprincipled and bloodthirsty, Abolition journal which daily makes its appearance in this city, occupies itself just now, con amore, with the task of urging the Government to hang the officers and crew of the privateer Savannah, landed here, on Tuesday, by the Harriet Lane.-- ‘"Their crime,"’ it says, ‘"is clearly piracy, and is punishable with the extreme penalty attached to that crime. Let it therefore be inflicted."’ What contemptible, shortsighted imbecility! Has the editor of the aforesaid newspaper ever read the history of the earlier stages of the war of independence? It so, has he forgotten that a certain George Washington, a notorious rebel against the British Crown, was similarly menaced with death as a traitor, if he could only be caught? And that Lords This, That, and The Other, issued proclamations, declaring that every single colonist taken with arms in his hands was guilty of undoubted felony, and would be hung? Washington did not effect to deny the rebellion. He justified it as having been forced upon Americans by British despatism — not the tithe as, bitter as the South has groaned under at the hands of the Abolitionists of the North--and in answer to the threat that his soldiers should be executed, contented himself with solemnly assuring the Commander-in-Chief of the Tory army that where the latter hung one man, he would string up two. Let Mr. Lincoln and his advisers proceed to the length of hanging the crew of the Savannah, and we have no hesitation in predicting that such bloody reprisals will be inflicted by Jefferson Davis that an outcry of horror and indignation will arise against the senseless maniacs at Washington, who shall have aroused his just wrath.

The Lincoln Government affects to regard every single individual who has taken up arms to defend Southern soil from invasion, as punishable by hanging, and all who have aided them or rendered them comfort as guilty of misprision or treason. At least four hundred thousand individuals ought, under such teaching, to be led to the gallows tomorrow, and the remainder of the population of the Confederate States should be subjected to fine and imprisonment. This is, substantially, the doctrine held by all of our leading Abolitionists, although, when the time for carrying their threats into effect comes, a certain instinct of self-preservation whispers in their cars that the chalice they so recklessly hold up to others may, later, be returned to their own lips. If they were thoroughly consistent, they would not rest contented, unless each prisoner captured were visited with an ignominious death. They should either directly advocate such brutality, or else they should cease to impose their reckless clamor upon the public. Americans have been accustomed to express sympathy with Italians, Hungarians, and even Sepoys in a state of insurrection, condemning, as worthy of perpetual infamy, rulers who have decreed the penalty of the law upon their subjects; but never under any foreign nationality — not within the most barbarous Turkish Pashaliks — have theories of punishment been promulgated, so ferocious and savage as those which have formed the staple of republican ravings since the middle of April.

One of the most painful phenomena of these dark and distracted times, is the effort that is being made by the autocracy at Washington, and its organs elsewhere, to discourage every tendency to kindly, conciliatory, or peaceful feelings toward the Southern States, and to create such embitterment between the two sections as may render a future settlement of difficulties impossible. The comparatively mild policy of General McClellan in Western Virginia and Kentucky has been condemned, although a contrary course must inevitably lead to a local guerilla warfare of the most deplorable description. Murderous attacks upon women and children, and the slaughter of innocent citizens in a Court of Justice, and massacres like that of Booneville, excite the jubilant applause of the demoniacs who hold the destinies of the country in their hands. Emulating the Robespierres and Marats of the Reign of Terror, they scent out the possibility of sacrificing life with a keen, blood-hound instinct, as cowardly as it is barbarous. No patriotic consideration will bring them to their senses, but they will soon be checked by their own fears, when those retaliations have commenced on Southern soil, which are inevitable, if the recommendation of a general resort to capital punishment is carried into execution.

In accordance with international law, it has been officially declared by no less than two ex-Chancellors of England, as well as by the present Lord Chancellor, that privateering is not piracy, and that to punish it as such would be murder. The Confederate States occupy a position as a de facto Government, which the United States would instantly recognize, did they hold their present relation to any other Power besides itself. England and France have both recognized them as belligerents, and, not improbably, both of these countries will, ere long, assume an attitude, in their behalf, hostile to ourselves. The blockade of the Southern coast, which has been unconstitutionally proclaimed by the President, is almost exclusively maintained by vessels, as much privateers as the Savannahs and, therefore, equally liable to be considered pirates. If secession is unlawful, so has been the invasion of States, the closing of sea-ports, the massacre of citizens, the enforcement of martial law, the raising of armies, the infringement of the habeas corpus, the violation of telegraphic dispatches, and a hundred daily iniquities that are unscrupulously perpetrated with the sanction or under the orders of the Administration. If Southern privateers are to be hung, such havoc will be made among Northern prisoners of war as will cause the Abolition demagogues who are inciting Government to such cruel folly, to tremble at the consequences of their ill-digested, bloody counsels.

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