Under the caption of ‘"The Despot's Plea,"’ the Charleston Courier criticises the Message recently issued by the despot at Washington
We copy the concluding portion:
The culminating point of the mendacity, impudence, effrontery and mischievous sophistry of this unparalleled Message, is found in that portion relating to the Union
and the States.
This portion may be best and briefly described as presenting a lie in every line, and nothing would have emboldened even Lincoln
, and Seward
, and Blair
, to venture on such an argument, but a well practiced confidence in the ignorance of Northern readers.
Does Abraham Lincoln, Ll. D.
, know the fact that two at least of the Thirteen States declared separately their independence of the British
Does Abraham Lincoln, Ll. D.
, by the servile fawning of the once honored Columbia College, know that South Carolina
declared her independence and established a State Constitution and Government in March, 1776?
Does he know that South Carolina
, as an independent State, had appointed Commissioners made treaties and alliances, and established an army and navy before the adoption of the Constitution
By the ‘"Union."’ Abraham Lincoln, Ll. D.
, intends and denotes an indivisible consolidation with States existing only as municipal departments or Federal districts.
We deny that such a Union was ever formed or adopted or assented to by any of the American States
The monstrous mendacity of this portion of the Message cannot receive due treatment in the space at our disposal.
We refer it for the present to the judgment of intelligent Southern readers, who are too well acquainted with the facts and epochs of our constitutional history and with the distinguished reputation of Abraham Lincoln, Ll. D.
, for violation of truth, to take anything on his assertion.
Were any thing needed to confirm us in the feeling, determination and resolve that we could never submit to the rule of Lincolnism, this Message would suffice.
American history — even English history from the glorious dawn at Runnemede
, in which we are gloriously participant, by inheritance, and should be in principles and institutions — has been written in vain, if any portion of American States, or peoples, can quietly succumb under the interpretation and application of constitutional law and Executive powers given by Abraham Lincoln, Ll. D.
, by the visitation of Providence President
of the United States
, but through the merciful favor of Providence
of the Confederate States of America
, whom may God long preserve from such a rule and ruler.
Give us war, famine, pestilence, desolation, death in every form and with every incident of horror, but from Lincoln
and Lincolnism good Lord
preserve us, as Thou has graciously delivered us.
Comments of the Northern Press.
The Service journals, we need hardly say, are profuse in their laudations of the Message.
Such papers as the New York Herald, Tribune, World, Philadelphia Bulletin, Ledger, North American, and others of that class, pour out a volume of fulsome compliment, which is as pitiful as it is disgusting.
It will surprise the reader, however, to learn that the New York Times is an exception, and although what it says does not amount to much, we give the following extract the benefit of our circulation:
[from the New York times Republican.]
It is common to herald a President
's Message to the world as an important document.
And often it is so. But never was a message less important than the one transmitted to Congress by President Lincoln
, although the occasion is the most extraordinary that ever occurred in our country for the writing of a message.
The telegraph, or some strange fate that presided in the transmission and re-print of the document, has apparently coincided in this vies of its value, for never before have we had a more painful jumble from which to extract the pith and meaning, the statement and sequence of a State Paper.
We mean no disrespect to the President
in saying so. we mean simply that we knew beforehand the sentiment of the country in regard to the war, and neither President
nor Congress will be expected, or indeed permitted, to do anything contrary to the public will.
We are disposed to postpone criticism upon a document that appears to be so barbarously trended in its transmission.
But we must say that altogether to much attention is bestowed on Virginia
's act of Secession in the Message, and the mode in which it was accomplished by the Richmond Convention; and less is said than would have been acceptable, in regard to the movements of the people of Western Virginia
and of East Tennessee
, for their relief from the tyranny of the Confederate States
and the prospect of their success through the aid of Government.
Something more than one sentence on ‘"the practice of privateering"’ by the seceded States, tue occasion perhaps demanded.
The country would have liked to know what is the prospect of the ratification of the convention of European
governments which declares privateering to be piracy.
Some kindly words on the subject of liberal commercial relations with European
nations would not have been out of place.
Some of the more honest of the Northern
journals condemn the Message unhesitatingly.
We saw a scathing criticism in the New York Daily News, but could not obtain possession of the paper.
The following extract from another fearless defender of Southern rights we find in a Baltimore daily :
[from the New York day book, Dem.]
It will not escape the attention of the reader that Mr. Lincoln Speaks
of him self and his acts, as ‘"the government,
"’ showing his utter ignorance of the very principles lying at the foundation of our system.
The Government is the people, Mr. Lincoln
one of their general agents.
Congress is another.
The Supreme Court another.
To each of these departments certain general powers were delegated.
Have any of these departments assumed powers not delegated?
That is the real question.
labors through several very badly constructed sentences to prove that a State has not the constitutional right of secession.
We would have been glad if mr. Lincoln
had devoted half the space to showing us where he derives the constitutional right of coercion.
But we have never a word on that subject.
's ideas on Federal and State rights are equally wide of the mark He commits the solecism of arguing that the Union
made the States ! There never was a cart so exactly before the horse.
The old Journal of Commerce, too, speaks its mind pretty freely, as an extract will show:
[from the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, Dem]
The President doubtless intends a high compliment to the men composing the army, when he declares that there is scarcely a regiment ‘"from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and, perhaps, a court, abundantly competent to administer the Government
its if."’ As things go, we are inclined to think this somewhat high-wrought eulogism upon our citizen soldiery substantially deserved.
Certainly there is not one form which a person could not be selected qualified to present the subject matter of our national difficulties in a clearer and more concise form than has been done in the paper under consideration.
The allusion by the President
to the proceedings for suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus,
does not, that we can see, throw any new light upon that question.
Certainly the Administration view of the case is not as well presented as it has been done a hundred times by the Republican
Possibly the Attorney General
, whose opinion is promised, may present a stronger justification for Executive interference with this great safeguard for the liberty of the citizen.
Even the Baltimore Sun, Which we had given up for lost, is appealing to the judgment of the people against the conclusions set forth in the Message.
Perhaps when the Northern
people get their eyes upon to the fact that the war will swell up a national debt amounting to an average sum of $428 to each and every tax-payer in the free States, they will call down the maledictions of Heaven upon the authors of their ruin and drive chem away to the holes and corners of the earth.