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We have perused the report of General McDowell, who commanded the Federal forces in the battle of Manassas, and it has doubly confirmed our convictions that there is a studious and concerted effort on the part of the Northern officials to deceive the masses and to disseminate the idea that the Hessian defeat was, after all, a small affair. One admission, however, is made, which rather upsets the theories of the warlike journalists of the North, and that is that the defeat was not the result of a panic among the teamsters or civilians on the field. The General sticks to the false assertion that the Confederate forces greatly outnumbered his own; and while he puts down his loss at a higher mark than the Yankees have heretofore been willing to admit, he yet comes far below the truth; for our troops have buried more of the enemy than McDowell names. The report is very long, and neither possesses merit, interest or truth enough to justify its publication in our columns. The following editorial comments of the Baltimore Exchange furnish a sufficiently correct idea of the document:

Whatever its demerits may be in other respects, it effectually disposes of the various canards of the New York press in relation to the cause of the retreat of the troops. It also tacitly admits that the victory was won by the Confederates, by dint of hard fighting, and not, by any means, in consequence of the cowardice of a fat Lieutenant, or of a panic among the teamsters and civilians. General McDowell scouts the idea of the march to the battle-field being calculated to exhaust the strength of the regiments that were brought into action; and states further, that, instead of being led against the enemy without partaking of food, the troops were furnished with three days rations. We shall get at the truth after awhile. The number of killed is set down in the report at 19 officers and 462 rank and file; but this must have been mere guess work, as it was left to the Confederates to bury the dead. The number of wounded is stated at 64 officers and 947 rank and file. This may possibly be correct, as far as relates to those that were brought from the field; but the estimate certainly cannot embrace the very large number of wounded in the hands of the Confederates.

General McDowell does not even venture to surmise us to the number of missing. He leaves it wholly to conjecture. He simply says, that some of those who were reported missing have returned since — that some have strayed away into other regiments, which is of itself a singular admission — and that many of the Zouaves, who were supposed to have been taken prisoners, have been heard of in New York — which is a delicate way of acknowledging that they had deserted and gone home. Any one who reads carefully the report, will rise from its perusal with an impression amounting almost to a conviction that, so far as the list of casualties is concerned, it betrays a studied attempt at concealment. The list previously published of the losses incurred by seven of the regiments engaged in the battle — with the names of the killed and wounded appended, shown a larger number placed hers au combat than Con. McDowell gives as the aggregate loss of the three divisions — composed of some thirty or thirty-five regiments — that took part in the fight. No one, therefore, but the most credulous of readers, will accept the official report as worthy of entire precedence, or will venture to quote it, in the of the well- established facts by which some of its most important statements are controverted.


An Improvement Population.

The New York Daily News sets forth, that among the poorer classes in that city the burdens of the war are already beginning to press with a fearful weight. There is no business, no employment, no income, no money. The writer proceeds:

‘ The man who witnesses the winter of 1861-62 in this and other Northern cities, will have need for a heart of marble and a face of brass to resist the emotions of pity and horror which must crowd upon him in beholding the fearful scenes that will present themselves. A ruined and beggared people, struggling with destitution and exorbitant taxation at home, and contending with expensive and bootless war abroad, has been described by history unhappily again and again; but the terrible spectacle is now apparently about to be reproduced here, with illustrations of unusual poignancy and effectiveness.

The inability to pay rents in summer foreshadows a terrible condition of affairs when cold weather shall be upon us. What must be the state of things in November or February if this is what we are to contemplate in August? It would be easy, doubtless, for landlords to evict tenants and re-let their premises, but would the next comers be likely to do better? The fact is the war is ruining New York. It is the North, and not the South, that is suffering the effects of the present hostilities, as every clear-sighted financier and statesman predicted, from the beginning, would be the case. It is we who are blockaded — not the Cotton States. There is but little suffering, comparatively speaking, in Charleston, Savannah or New Orleans; but there is a fearful amount of it in New York, Boston and Philadelphia. The industry of the South is not paralyzed. The negro still goes to his cotton, rice or sugar field, as he did before the war, and returns to dance before his cabin at sun-down; but our Northern mechanic, business man, or laborer — how does the war affect him? How does the capitalist of whom the New York correspondent of a Philadelphia journal tells, whose August rental roll in this city has shrunk from three thousand dollars and upward to a pitiful ninety-six dollars, like the effects of war?--We predict he will soon be a peace man, if he be not already converted; and that he will agree, as the whole community — contractors and epaulette wearers excepted — will were long, with the peace organ, the New York Daily News, that this war ought to come to an end.


A voice from Boston.

One of the oldest journals of Boston, the Courier, raises its voice in opposition to the prosecution of the war to the bitter end. We believe it is the only paper in that puritanical city which refuses to bow the knee to Beal. From an editorial in a late number of the Courier we quote the following:

If one were to state the rightful objects of this war to be the preservation of the capital of the United States, and the vindication of the authority of the Union against the doctrine of State secession, no reasonable man could dissent from the proposition. The vindication of that authority and the restoration of the acceded States to the Union, are one and the same thing. *****

If there is a reasonable probability that war will do it, the means are appropriate to the end, and the end itself is a right one. If the military subjection of the South is not probable, or if, being probable, it is not likely to be followed by a state of things which will again make such a system as the American Union a practicable Government, then the means are not appropriate to the end, and the end should be sought in some other mode.

With regard to the first of these conditions — the probability of the military coercion of the South--opinions may differ. The public mind has been so poisoned with deliberate inculcation of contempt for our adversaries and their resources, that even the Government has been driven to the sacrifice of lives which the public could illy spare, and whose private loss is irreparable. This has been done, apparently, in sheer diffusion as to the power of the enemy; for there was certainly but one important man in office in the nation, and he the very man on whose judgment both the Government and the people should have implicitly relied, who is now known not to have shared that delusion. Whether the North can ultimately reduce the South to submission, is a military question, on which it would ill become mere civilians to express a confident opinion. In all the resources of war we are the superiors; in courage and in military capacity, the inhabitants of the two sections are probably equal. But resources, courage and military skill are not all that are needed to over run and hold in subjection so vast a country as the seceded States, if the people of that country are united and determined. That they have become united and determined, is apparent; and it is only encouraging a mischievous and fatal delusion to pretend the contrary. *****

In all history there has never been an instance of a free people, once participating in the voluntary administration of a free popular government, who have thrown off their connection with it, and have subsequently been forced to resume it by a military conquest. However true, just and lawful, in theory, such a conquest may be, it is the application of means entirely unsuited to the end. In the nature of things, it must leave effects which will put the end still further off than it was before the consequence was attempted. We need not ask if the Union will be tolerable to the South when they are thus conquered. Will it be tolerable to ourselves? Can we successfully and safety hold in military subjection such a portion of our common country? Can we undertake to do it without creating a military power, in which our own liberties must be merged?


Southern securities at the North.

The following memorial is receiving the signatures of the commercial citizens of Savannah:

To the Hon. Howell Cobb, President, and to the Congress of the Confederate States of America, in assembly at Richmond, Virginia.

’ The memorial of the undersigned citizens of

Georgia, loyal to the Government of the Confederate States of America, respectfully sheweth:

That the war existing between the Confederate States Government and the Government of the Northern United States, has caused a depreciation in the Northern marts of the bonds of the Southern States (known Commercially as Southern securities,) from their par value to be worth now only about fifty to sixty cents on the dollar, and that the depreciation of Southern securities has excited the a varices of many wealthy citizens of the Confederate States, otherwise loyal, and caused them to purchase, by themselves, or through agents, large amounts of these securities, with the hope of gain, manifestly in contravention of the set led principles of the law of nations, as between belligerents, and at variance with the duties of good citizenship and the public interest:

  1. 1st Because a state of war is not a matter between Government in their political character merely, but is a war between all individuals of one and all the individuals of which the other nation is composed, independent of their social or business affinities. Every loyal citizen of the Confederate Government ought to, and must, regard every citizen of the Northern United States Government as his enemy, because the enemy of our country, and all intercourse between the citizens of the South and the North should cease during the war.
  2. 2d Because it is not only illegal and hurtful in itself, but intercourse between citizens of belligerent Governments is more or less demoralizing to those having such intercourse, and will open the door to disloyal persons to communicate our affairs to our enemies, which would be beneficial to them and injurious to ourselves. Such intercourse is manifestly inconsistent with actual hostilities.
  3. 3d. Because the transmission of so much money from the South to the North, for the purchase and payment of these securities, will be to drain the South of so much of her material wealth, and will be allowing the avarice of Southern speculators to minister to the power and give aid and comfort to our enemies; and,
  4. 4th. Because the purchase of these securities from our enemies will not relieve them of what they profess to believe to be worthless securities, but it will relieve them of the only interests they have in the South; and once relieved of their pecuniary interests, they will become our more inveterate enemies, and our interests seem to dictate the propriety of continuing these securities in the hands of our enemies, and of keeping our money at home.
Therefore, your memorialists pray that Congress will at once enact a special law, recognizing the principle of the law of nations between belligerents, and fix such pains and penalties as your wisdom may suggest for the immediate and total suppression of this and all other illicit intercourse and commerce between the citizens of the Confederate States and the citizens of the Northern United States.

And your memorialists will ever pray, &c., &c.


The Prince Napoleon--review of Confederate troops--first Virginia Regiment.

A correspondent of the Petersburg Express, writing from Centreville, August 10th, gives the subjoined account of a review for the gratification of Prince Napoleon, in which our First Regiment and Smith's Band figured conspicuously:

Yesterday morning, just after guard-mounting, a special order came to us, from General Longstreet's headquarters, to prepare immediately for review; and the camp very soon assumed a lively aspect — soldiers busily preparing themselves for the review, and much surprise was evinced to know the occasion of the unusual order. However, at about 10 o'clock, preceded by our fine band, we repaired to a very large field north of our camp, where we found already in position a large number of soldiers; and in about an hour, or there-abouts, the line was formed diagonally across several fields, extending several miles, and the order was given to prepare for review. At this juncture, our attention was attracted by quite a commotion among the large concourse of spectators who had assembled to see the sights. They gave way to the right and left, when an open carriage, containing three gentlemen, attended by an escort, made its appearance. The entire army saluted by presenting arms, and Gen. Longstreet rode up to the carriage, and, having dismounted, saluted the Prince, for it was the veritable Prince Napoleon. The three gentlemen got out of the carriage, and the Prince uncovered. On his right hand stood General Johnston, the commander of our army, and on his left General Longstreet, Col. Preston, and several other distinguished military men. As the weather was excessively hot, and the men had been standing nearly three hours in the sun, the Prince very considerately (likely more on his than our account) proposed that only one regiment should go through the form, as it would have taken several hours for that immense body of men to have passed. Gen. Johnston requested Gen. Longstreet to pass one of his regiments in review, and he did the 1st Virginia Regiment that honor. Smith's band performed one of their best marches, and the regiment acquitted itself creditably. As we passed very near the Prince, I had an opportunity of seeing him.

He appears to be about forty-five years old, about six feet in height, and rather corpulent. There is nothing at all in his appearance that would attract the attention of the most observant. He looks as if he lives to eat, as well as eat to live. He has a short and very thick neck, that gives him the appearance of being considerably round-shouldered. His dress was extremely democratic. A plain straw hat, a loose sack coat and linen pants constituted his external decorations. The fact of his being destitute of moustache and whiskers, was the occasion of much surprise.

After the review, he returned to Washington. It is said he came down to see the battle field, and was here only a few hours, having arrived about six o'clock Thursday evening, and returned about twelve o'clock M. yesterday.


A prize vessel Burnt.

The Fernandina East Floridian, of the 7th instant, gives the following account of the burning of a prize bark, with a cargo of medicines, coffee, wool and furs, estimated to be worth $100,000.

On Monday last our town became greatly excited by the intelligence that two vessels were in sight off our bar, one of them being pursued by the other. About 10 o'clock, a messenger arrived from the beach bringing the intelligence that one of the vessels, a large bark, was beached, and that her crew had come ashore. Soon the drum was beating to arms, and in a short time the Fernandina Volunteers, Island City Guards, and also the private citizens, were armed and on their way to the scene of action. After arriving at the beach we learned that the vessel ashore was the bark Alvarado, a prize captured by the privateer Jeff. Davis, about 1,400 miles to the Southeast of our port, a prize crew put on board, and she was, by order, making for our town. The prize crew, consisting of eight men, the Captain being a Savannah pilot, came ashore and brought their private property. We soon learned that the Yankee Captain, his wife and a negro, who were aboard, refused to come ashore, and raised the American flag, Union down, as soon as the prize crew left. A detachment of our citizens subsequently went aboard and brought them on shore, and they are now in our town. At this time, the U. S. ship Vincennes, which had been pursuing the prize, came in range, and soon anchored and fired a few guns at the bark, which, however, did not take effect. After impatiently waiting for some time, the bark (carried by the rising tide) got a float and came nearer to the shore — so near, in fact, that the six-pounders on the beach could throw a ball some distance beyond. A company of our men manned the yawl-boat brought ashore from the bark, and started to board her, when it was announced that three launches had started from the ship for the same purpose.--Our men perceiving this, and being unprepared to resist so large a number, returned to the shore. The men from the Vincennes proceeded to the bark amid a shower of six pounders, which fell thick and fast all around them, and after raising a United States flag set fire to her and left.


Affairs about Washington.

The Washington correspondent of the Baltimore Exchange keeps that paper well posted in regard to affairs in the infamous city. In his letter of August 8th, he writes:

Gen. McClellan believes that should the city be attacked by the Confederates, the defensive movement will be directed principally upon the Northern and Western parts of the city. In order to guard most effectually against a sudden flank movement of this nature, bodies of troops are being stationed about three miles north of Georgetown, thus also strengthening the line of pickets which now extends from this city to Harper's Ferry.

There was evidently an unusual commotion here last evening. Pickets were thrown out on the Washington Road fifteen miles from the city. Orders have been issued for the forwarding of ten more regiments over the Washington Railroad.

Rumors constantly prevail in the camps surrounding this city of the advance of the Confederates, and such announcements sometimes cause much confusion. The Confederate scouts in numbers of from one to twenty, dash in every night and often during the day, and after reconnoitering for a short time, or exchanging a shot with the Federal pickets, gallop back to their camps, laughing at the fear which the "Yankees" have of seeing a rifle in the hands of a Southerner pointed towards them.

There is apparently another movement to be made in a short time on the lower Potomac, the object of which remains a secret; but I am certain that an order was issued late this afternoon for the immediate construction of fifty fast-pulling launches for the Potomac flotilla.

The proposition of Gen. Banks to make Maryland the grand rendezvous of the armies of the North, in order, 1st, That the people might he held in proper subjection; 2d, That transportation through the centralization of the railroads might be facilitated; and 3d,

That a safe retreat of the armies of the Potomac and Shenandoah, if necessary, might be insured, have been considered and the Cabinet are all in favor of sending the troops to the neighborhood of Baltimore. Be it said to the credit of Generals Scott and Dix, that they have been steadily opposed to such a movement, and it will only be perfected in the face of the protests of the best military General and one of the best educated and politic citizen Generals of the armies of the North.

In order to guard against Government telegraphic dispatches being used for the information of the Confederates, the Administration has concluded to use a newly invented cypher in transmitting official intelligence.

Gen. Heintzleman, in his official report to the War Department, states that early in the battle the Fire Zouaves were broken by a bayonet charge from the 8th Alabama Regiment, and they were not re-organized, nor did they do efficient service during the remainder of the day.


Missouri--Unreliable Telegraphic Dispatches.

A letter from St. Louis, dated August 5th says:

‘ I need scarcely warn you in advance to place no reliance in what the telegraph may inform you respecting battles out here. Its agents here are all in the pay of that gigantic deception established at Washington, and, like its master, they will continue to deceive, if by doing so they can possibly subserve their bad cause. To this day, they have never corrected their lying statements respecting the battle of Carthage, in which Siegel lost from 500 to 700 in killed, wounded and prisoners, notwithstanding he himself (Siegel) states his loss to have been thirteen only killed and twenty-seven wounded! This, too, in a fight lasting all day. Siegel is stamped as a liar daily in this city by persons constantly arriving here from the Southwest.


War and its Realities.

The Baltimore Exchange says:

‘ Until recently we have only known of war in its holiday aspect. It is one thing to look upon the pomp and pageantry of the martial array, but it is another and a very different thing to encounter it on the actual battle-field in all its ghastly hideousness; to be conscious, above all, that no matter how lavish the Administration may be in the expenditure of blood and treasure, and no matter what amount of success may crown its efforts, the Union, in whose name the battle is ostensibly fought, will have lost all its vital elements, and the whole theory upon which our Government was framed will have undergone a radical change. Never was a party more certain to be battled in the end than the one which is now in power. Whether it wins or loses, it is equally doomed to disappointment. If victorious, it can only hold the vanquished to their allegiance by a permanent occupation of the country; if defeated, it comes out of the contest disgraced, and also burthened with an enormous debt. There is but one purpose which the Administration can really have in view in carrying on this war, for it is the only one by which it can hope to escape from the dilemma in which it is placed — that purpose is the complete subjugation of the acceded States, and their reduction to the condition of conquered provinces. Grant that this could be accomplished, what then becomes of the rights reserved to the citizens of all the States under the provisions of the Constitution? This question is now beginning to be considered by many people at the North, and the impossibility of finding for it a practical and satisfactory solution perplexes them exceedingly. Their ships are rotting at the wharves; their factories no longer resound with the hum of busy industry; their workshops are closed; their trade is ruined; many of their merchants are bankrupt, and the families of thousands of industrious clerks, mechanics and laborers are struggling to obtain the bare necessaries of life, and look forward to the coming winter with fear and anxiety. These are evils which the war has already brought upon them, and for which even a dozen victories would bring no compensation, unless they could restore the old Union, and with it the old fraternal feeling. Such a consummation is, however, not to be excepted. Instead of victory, thus far, the North has met with defeat. Its "Grand Army" has been put to utter rout, and all its baggage and stores, and munitions of war, have fallen into the hands of the conquerors. What if this terrible blow be but the precursor of others equally severe? What if the sums already squandered in organizing one army be but the prelude to a system of taxation which, if permitted to go into operation, would, in the midst of the prevailing paralysis in trade, not only involve personal sacrifices too grievous to be borne with equanimity, but would bequeath also an enormous burthen of debt to posterity? Such a system of direct and indirect taxation Congress now proposes to inaugurate, and under the sharp spur of Mr. Trumbull's revenue bill the people of the North are beginning to speculate upon the probable cost of the war, and to ponder over its consequences. The touchstone of a prospective army of tax gatherers is well calculated to quicken their perceptions. We are not, therefore, at all surprised to learn that peace meetings have become far more frequent at the North during the past ten days, and that the opposition to the sanguinary policy of the Administration is gaining numbers of adherents, even from the ranks of those who once imagined, with Mr. Lincoln, that the secession of the Southern States was the work of politicians, and not of the great bulk of the people, and that it would be an easy matter to put down the "armed combinations" existing there. It was a fatal mistake, and they are at length beginning to find it out.


A voice from Connecticut.

The Hartford (Conn,) Times says:

‘ Since the recent terrible defeat of our Northern army, the truth begins to be acknowledged by our neighbors, that we can never conquer the South. Our abolition papers at the North have constantly impelled us on to destruction. The South have an enrolled militia of over 900,000 men. They have more than 1,000,000 muskets, besides powerful artillery, equal to ours; and now they have captured five of our best batteries. In the face of these stubborn facts, are our war breeding Abolitionists to push us on in this ruinous civil war?

Within a few months, or perhaps weeks, we must be subject to the war-draft upon the enrollments which are now being made throughout this State, according to the recent act of our Legislature. Men must be taken from their families and their peaceful occupations to fight — for what? Can President Lincoln tell? The wealthy can pay the $75 demanded, and stay at home; but where is the poor man to obtain the cash to pay his penalty in this present time of business ruin? He must go to war, and there is no discharge except by death. In a few days comes upon us the Assessor appointed by Abraham Lincoln, from whose assessment there is no appeal; soon upon his heels comes the United States Collector, also appointed by Mr. Lincoln, and the war tax must be paid forthwith--$463,000 is the sum taxed upon Connecticut for the war.

About $1,000,000 have already been borrowed by this State, to pay and equip our five regiments. Our snug State fund of near $500,000, well invested in bank stocks, has been spent, and more than double that amount already incurred and demanded. For the first time in the history of our little State, have Connecticut bonds been hawked about the country, and yet the war has just commenced. The great West begins to feel the crushing weight of war. She has no money to pay her troops; her bonds are unsalable, and her credit declining. Their corn, which once found an outlet down the Mississippi, now brings ten cents a bushel. Instead of blockading the South, they confess that they are themselves blockaded. Here is positive proof that the distress and necessity of some of the Western States will induce them to quit this Union.--Who will then assume our enormous national debt of perhaps one or two thousand millions of dollars? "Nothing going wrong," sir.

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