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Russia and the United States.

--The Jubilations of the New York Herald over the letter of the Emperor Nicholas, are so extremely puerile, than old Bessett, in publishing such nonsense, is evidently in his second childhood. We are surprised that the North does not see that, in hunting all round the world for someone to take its part against an adversary whom it affects to despise, it is proclaiming to all mankind the consciousness of its own weakness and fear. Moreover, there is absolutely nothing in the Emperor's letter which affords the slightest warrant for the assumption that Russia will aid the North in this contest. On the contrary, the writer expressly disclaims expressing even so much as an opinion on either side of the questions in controversy between the two sections. The letter is such an one as might naturally have been expected from the past relations of Russia to the United States, as they existed in former times. The two countries were friends always, and the sympathy manifested here for Russia in the Crimean war strengthened her good wishes to all Americans. Therefore, she feels regret, sincere regret, no doubt, at the disaster which has come upon her old ally; but she takes care, in expressing it, to let it be seen that it with is the United States, as it once existed, and not with either North or South exclusively that her sympathies are elicited.

The Federalists must be hard run indeed, when upon such a letter as that of Gortschakoff, the whole Government, according to the New York Herald's correspondent, are elated beyond measure. The sagacious statesman, whom that paper has been so fortunate enough to secure as its Washington correspondent, goes so far as to build upon the foundation of this letter the confident prediction that in the event of a war between England and France, (who, he says, will both, undoubtedly recognize Southern independence,) and the North, Russia will come to the aid of the latter. The Russian Government will not be likely to venture hereafter even upon a letter of condolence with the old Union, if it puts such an interpretation upon an act of common courtesy. It will be dangerous hereafter for any foreign ambassador to take off his hat to Lincoln, or to sign a dispatch to Seward, ‘"Your obedient servant,"’ lest the one act should be understood as intending a disposition to pitch into the South, and the other to place the whole army and navy of the ambassador's country at the service of the United States.--Even conceding that Russia sympathizes with the North in this struggle, (of which there is positively not the slightest evidence in this letter,) nations are never so far carried away by their sympathies as to endanger their interests. We have seen England and France permitting Russia and Austria to blot out one after another independent nationalities, with whose sentiments and struggles they had always sympathized, but they never intervened in any European quarrel till their own interests rendered such intervention imperative. We can scarcely suppose Russia to be more chivalric and self-sacrificing in her national friendships than either England or France. She has nothing whatever to lose by the division of the old United States, but, on the contrary, whatever interests her Government has in this question, must necessarily be involved in a result which will weaken the influence of democratic institutions in the old world as well as the new. Besides, whatever her sympathies with the old Union, she can scarcely afford the enormous expenses of a war with France and England, to gratify a romantic sentiment for a United States that was. Russia was bled to death, financially, by her last struggle with the Western Powers, and can have neither the ability nor inclination to thrust herself into any quarrel which they may happen to have hereafter with the Government of Mr. Lincoln.

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