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Lord Palmerston's Disavowal of the Fremont proclamation.

[from the London post, (Palmerston's organ,) September 17.]

The American civil war, originally the creation as hostile tariffs and commercial jealousy, has now, at the hands of Fremont, received new features of aggravation which must render all hope of conciliation and compromise impossible. General Fremont, recently a candidate for the Presidential chair, and the present commander of the State of Missouri, has issued a proclamation, dated St. Louis, the 31st of August, in which he declares that the property, real and personal, of all persons in that State "who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to have taken an active part with the enemy in the field, shall be confiscated to the public use, and their slaves declared free men," We presume, of course, that General Fremont is acting in conformity with the instructions of the Federal Government. To excite and provoke a servile war is the strongest measure of offence which any Federal officer has hitherto attempted to enforce. The attitude of the slave population in the South, which may be described as quiescent, arising either from stolid indifference or the vigilant coercion of their masters, seems to show that the negro race is not disposed to take any part in the war. Will Gen. Fremont, who expects to march from St. Louis to New Orleans, obtain the aid of an army of black auxiliaries, whose duty it will be to carry fire and sword throughout the length and breadth of the plantation States? We believe that he may so far succeed as to cause many Southern regiments to remain at home for the purpose of keeping the slaves in order, but that he will receive from his newly invited allies any efficient assistance is a matter with respect to which we must be permitted to express the gravest doubt. If the theory of the Federal Government is to be observed, slavery has nothing whatever to do with the question. Only the other day Mr. Cameron, the Secretary of War, instructed Gen. Butler, at Fort Monroe, to receive no more fugitive slaves, and to keep an account of the earnings of those who had already escaped, in order that the rights of the owner might be respected. We infer from the proclamation of Gen. Fremont that this regard for the rights of property has now been altogether ignored, and that the contest, heretofore one between an unpopular Government and successful insurrectionists, may assume the new and aggravated form of a remorseless and sanguinary servile war. Gen. Fremont may think that he will attract the sympathy of European nations, and that a great moral revolution may be effected for the benefit of the negro population by making the emancipation of the slave to depend upon the allegiance or disloyalty of his master. The position of the free negro in the Northern States is in no respect enviable. The law gives him rights which the inexorable custom of the country does not permit him to enjoy. He is kept separate, as a kind of pariah of society, in the place of worship, in the public vehicle, and in the ordinary intercourse of life. Mrs. Stowe may charm never so well with her benevolently intended and amusing fictions; but she cannot disprove the fact that both in North and South the negro is treated as the member of a degraded and subservient race. We therefore do not imagine that the proclamation of General Fremont will attract much attention in the South, or even amongst the people of this country, especially when, in the latter case, it will be correctly considered simply as a penalty attached to the offence of high treason. Much as Englishmen value the freedom of the slave, they would not wish to see this great object accomplished by domestic treason, and that wholesale slaughter which always marks the track of servile insurrection.

Gen. Fremont Hailed as Chief of the Abolitionists.

[From the London News, (an Abolition organ,) Sept. 18.] The civil war in America seems to be entering upon a new stage. While the exploit of General Butler has given the Federal Government the command of the coast of North Carolina, General Fremont, in Missouri, has by his proclamation boldly put forward the grand issue of the contest. The property, he says, real or personal, of all persons in the State of Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to have taken active part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use, and their slaves, if they have any, are hereby declared free men. But, as we have said, the proclamation of General Fremont has altered the whole aspect of the question. It is true, according to its terms, that the slaves who are to be emancipated must belong to active Secessionists; but the fact being that most of the great slave owners in the South have, in fact, taken up arms for the Confederate Government, it is obvious that, if the same principle which has been applied in Missouri is to be applied to the other States, General Fremont's proclamation amounts practically to a measure of general abolition. Now, at least, the connection between the action of the North and the abolition of slavery will be practically established. No one can contemplate the possible results of a sudden emancipation of 4,000,000 of semi-savages without terrible misgivings, but if the ultimate extinction of the national curse of slavery can be obtained by no gentleman, it is not for us to deprecate the result.

More Abolition hopes from the Fremont measure.

[From the London Star, Sept. 18.] Already the slaves of insurrectionists in Missouri are declared free. Neither reason nor necessity will allow the abolition movement to halt half way. Whosoever is not with the Union must be deemed against it.--Only active allegiance can secure to a slave owner the legal possession of his human chattels, and as these are locomotive articles the legal security may prove of little worth in a general stampede. The spirit of the New England Regiments that march through New York, singing John Brown's hymn, may breed infection in the Federal camp.

England will aid the Union if Negro liberty is Inscribed on the Flag.

[From the London Chronicle, Sept. 17.] According to the principles upon which the Southern Confederation is based, and which have been too long recognized by the Union, slaves are chattels; but General Fremont carefully avoids endorsing this degrading assumption of the law. He first declares the real and personal property of rebels to be confiscated, and then in another clause asserts the freedom of their slaves. This decision has produced a powerful impression in the neighboring States, and if no fresh disaster awaits the arms of the Union, it will completely override the efforts of the malcontents in Kentucky to get up a feeling in favor of the Confederate cause.

It would seem that President Lincoln has moved in the anti-slavery path quite as fast as public opinion would permit; but now that the commercial classes of the North, who were afraid of injuring the "Almighty Dollar" by too exact a conformance with the dictates of Christianity, have lost all hope of obtaining peace by compromise, and leaving another generation to settle the real question in dispute, we may expect to find abolition principles brought into the foreground wherever the North gains power to make them prevail.--This circumstance will make it difficult for the malingers of the Unionists to maintain their ground, Sympathy for the South is neither more nor less than approval of slavery — that most monstrous of crimes; and if the free States dignify their quarrel by inscribing liberty distinctly upon their banners, the English people will wish them "God speed," in spire of all the efforts of tory politicians to demonstrate that a republic must of necessity come to grief.

The issue of the war in America.

[From the London Times, September 17.] We do not build much on the success at Cape Hatteras. It is in its naval force that the Federal Government is strongest, and it was never probable that the Confederates would be able to hold their own at sea. The expedition down the Mississippi is an operation of a more important kind, but its success, we should think, is far less certain. It is an expedition in which we may expect to see the inventive genius and the adventurous courage of the Americans fairly illustrated. The banks of the broad river are clothed with thick forests, suggesting every variety of ambuscade; and if the invaders have the advantage of equipment, the natives will be superior in knowledge of the country and natural resources. Above all, it must be remembered that the main armies of the belligerents are on the Potomac, and that the trial of strength most immediately decisive will take place at that point, where the Confederates are still reputed superior. They may forfeit this ascendancy, no doubt, if they assume the offensive and advance against the fortified positions of their enemies; but if, on the other hand, they should obtain any material success in that quarter, the more distant operations of the campaign would be thrown into the shade. All we can see at present is, that the North has been making strenuous and successful efforts to convert its numerous levies into good working soldiers; that it possesses vast resources in a brave and earnest population, and that it is likely to profit by the lessons it has received.

Cotton from the Fejee Islands.

[From the New Zealand Gazette, July 1.] The first shipment of cotton from the Fejee Islands was on view at the office of Messrs. Geo. A. Lloyd & Co. It is to be forwarded to England per Damascus. Some fine samples of cotton grown at Wagga Wagga had been on view at the Sydney Herald office. A gentleman well acquainted with the cotton trade, estimated that this would be worth at least 10d. per pound in England.

England "desperate" for Cotton, may interfere in the war.

[From the London Herald (Derby organ) Sept. 18.] We have only reports on which it is best not to comment further at present any more than on that other report, more momentous as regards ourselves, of the embargo laid on the cotton crop. This would indeed be a sign of desperation. Its object would be to force England to break the blockade. Trusting, as we do, that the war will not go on beyond Christmas, and having cotton enough to last till then, we need not take the matter into consideration as yet. We must ourselves be rendered desperate before we can be driven to a measure of arbitrary interference in a quarrel in which we have no concern.

Export of Cotton from England to the United States.

[From the London News Sept. 18] The screw steamship Edinburg, belonging to the Liverpool, Philadelphia, and New York Steamship Company, which leaves Liverpool for New York to-day (Wednesday,) will carry out nearly 1,300 bales of first-class American cotton. We understand that after paying all expenses of freight, &c., the prices at New York at the present time, 22 cents per pound, will leave a margin for profit as compared with the charges for the staple of cotton in the Liverpool market. We have reason to think that this is but an instalment of a large quantity of cotton purchased in the Liverpool market for re-exportation to America, and it is an ominous indication of the trail hopes entertained by intelligent and far-seeing business men of an approaching cessation of the internecine strife at present raging in the States of the great Republic.

The offer of an American commission to Garibaldi--British opinion of the Prudence of the Cabinet movement.

[From the London Times, Sept. 17] But here comes another "let down," really worse than any before. As if despairing of native genius or enterprise, the President at Washington has actually sent to ask Garibaldi to accept the post of Commander-in-Chief, throwing into the bargain the emancipation of the slaves. It costs an effort to take in the extravagant oddity and the humiliating character of this proposal. Had the Government at Washington confessed their ignorance of war on the grand scale, and sent for a great tactician, even for one of the Piedmontese Generals, that would have only been what has often happened before.--It might have been said that any American was more or less a Garibaldi — that is, a man of personal prowess and enterprise, but that the occasion required a Cialdini. But to send for Garibaldi is to confess a failure in the element supposed to be specially American. It is to confess that a man is wanted who will go at the enemy, and advance into his territory against overpowering odds. On any view of the case, Garibaldi is not the man the Americans want. He has never yet attempted or desired to command a large army, and, as our correspondent at Turin observed in our yesterday's columns, he has over and over again, like the Biblical hero! Gideon, left his army behind, and done his work with a select body, whose love and confidence would lead them anywhere after him. What if he should throw himself into the American maelstrom, and find himself with a hundred thousand men, a divided public opinion and treachery in his camp, just as the smouldering indignation of Italy was breaking out, and calling him to Venice or to Rome? He would find how easy it is to give up the substance for the shadow, and to lose in an hour the opportunities of a life.

[from the London Herald, Sept. 18]

The whole army of the North is, in fact, dishonored by the advances that have been made to Garibaldi; and the terrible humiliation which Mr. Seward shuddered at when the idea of England's mediation in the American quarrel was broached, sinks into insignificance compared with the death-blow dealt by this grandiloquent politician at the pride and self-consciousness of every American patriot.--What must be the effect of such manifest want of faith and courage in the Cabinet at Washington upon generals and soldiers?

Garibaldi's refusal, for his own sake, would have pleased us better had it been more direct. No doubt the plea of ill health is perfectly valid. But it looks like an evasion. It is, in fact, too much like the fashionable "not at home" to an unwelcome visitor. As it is, President Lincoln may hug himself in the belief that but for a twinge of rheumatism Garibaldi might have immortalized him, and handed him down to grateful posterity a second Washington.

[Turin (Sept. 16) correspondence of the London News.]

The Minister of the United States of North America has returned from Caprera. He went there officially to offer General Garibaldi the command of a Federal army, and also to treat for an Italian Legion, which would likewise be under his command.--The answer, if I am believe usually well-informed, has been in the negative, but by no means so decidedly so to survive the American Minister of all hope. It appears the General wished first of all to obtain more exact information, so as to understand the political question fully, and what the military resources of the States really are. So he asked for time that he might reflect and consult — it may be the King, or it may be the chiefs who served under him. This is most probably the reason why some persons are already announcing Garibaldi's refusal, and others his probable departure.

Recruitment for the rebels in Europe.

[Paris (Sept. 14) correspondence London Herald] Apropos of America, I may mention that several young Southerners have lately passed through Paris, bound homeward via Mexico or Havana. Some of them are accompanied by various English adventurers, picked up at some of the German watering places. Their passage is to be paid, and they are to have a commission in the Southern army on their arrival. Several of them have been in the army.

British troops for Canada.

[From the London Times, Sept. 18] The headquarters of the 4th brigade of Field Artillery, under orders for Canada, yesterday left Woolwich for Aldershott.

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