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Late European News.

Russia and the United States.

[From the London Times.]

We shall be curious to see how this well-meant intervention will be received in the United States, for as yet nothing can be gathered as to the substance of Mr. Seward's short dispatch. Were we to argue from the treatment to which England has been exposed, we should have been little sanguine as to the result. Everything we have done or omitted to do, everything we have said or not said, has been subjected to the same course misrepresentation and the same unprovoked abuse. The press of the United States has never been weary attributing to us designs which we never entertained — the recognization of the Southern States, the harboring of the privateers, the breaking the blockade, and then of announcing that, terrified by their threats and insults, we had reluctantly given up our nefarious projects.--If the same measure be meted out to the Emperor as to us, he will receive a very ungracious acknowledgment for his well-meant intervention. We are, however, sanguint enough to believe that this will not be the case, and that we should be doing injustice to the people of the States if we should assume that the treatment which England receives at their hands is fair measure of their courtesy to foreign nations. On the contrary, we have reason to believe that we stand in the United States on the footing of the least favored people on the earth.


[from the London News]

If any European counsel could have been of use to the United States, it would have been that of his imperial Majesty. Other sovereigns have doubtless ardently desired an opportunity of expressing to the Government and people of America the concern with which they are spectators of their trials. In the case of the English Government it was manifestly impossible, if from no other cause from the mean and base passions which found prominent expression in our newspapers from the beginning of the American troubles, which have provided a malignant and unfailing commentary on every phase of their development, and in the height of which every official manifestation would be judged. Happily, however, good advice from any quarter would have arrived too late if given months earlier than the date of the Emperor's letter. The project of a great slave empire to be built in denounce of the conscience of Christendom has been formed, and was to be carried out at all risks. The contest had become inevitable; and the only way in which the North can now show its respect for the Emperor is in extinguishing once for all the institution of slavery, which in leading some members of the Union further and further away from the maxims of Washington and Jefferson, has placed the freedom and independence of the whole nation in extremest peril.


Russia and America combined no match for England.
[from the London post, semi-official.]

Prince Gortschakoff wishes the American public to believe that the Russian territories in the extreme northern portions of America constitute an element of power on the North American continent. The letter of Mr. Seward shows the gratitude with which the Cabinet at Washington has, in the hour of its distress, received both the patronage and the advice of the Emperor Alexander. Sympathy may exist between the United States and Russia, but that there can be any identity of interest on the North American continent we utterly deny. Russia, by the convention of 1825, was foolishly permitted to obtain possession of that strip of the coast which extend almost down to British Columbia. There is, however, no point at which the Russian territory meets that of the United States. England in Labrador, the Hudson's Bey territory, the boundaries of which, except on the coast, have never been determined, possesses and occupies the extremity of the North American continent. It is therefore a mere diplomatic falsehood, to represent that Russia and the United States hold ‘"the extremities of the two worlds."’ Knowing what the Russians are doing at the month of the Amour and at Sitka, we can well understand the policy of the Russian Emperor. He would prefer to deal with a week and disorganized neighbor like the United States, rather than with a strong Power like England.

But British North America, which stretches from ocean to ocean — the frozen regions of the North, the hunting grounds of the free-trader — British Columbia, prosperous, contented and free Canada, must be blotted from the map, and ingloriously surrendered before Russia or the United States can, with any excuse, affect to hold the balance of American power in their hands. The letter of the Emperor of Russia may convey sound and friendly advice, and as a mark of gratitude for benefits received, may deserve respect; but both politically and geographically it is not only an enormous blunder but a stupid insult to this country, which still possesses dominion over more than one-half of the North American Continent, and under existing circumstances; and kick any balance which either Russia or the United States may assume to hold in their uncertain and unsteady hands.


Europe and the American question — Triple intervention in Mexico.
[from the London post, Government Organ.]

We are glad to be enabled to state that the terms of a treaty between the Queen, the Emperor of the French, and the Queen of Spain, are in the course of arrangement for an immediate intervention, by the combined forces of the three Sovereigns, in the affairs of Mexico. The old standing claims of the British, the French, and the Spanish people against the Mexican Republic, have at last brought the long suffering of these three Powers to an end.

The manner in which the three allied Powers intend to carry out their object is at once the most inexpensive and the most effectual. They leave no intention whatever of wasting powder and shot by waging a territorial war upon Mexico. To land a military force and advance upon the capital is altogether out of their contemplation. It would be impossible to deal with Mexico as an organized and established Government, with a recognized center of authority. The intention of the allies, on the contrary, is to send a combined naval force into the Gulf of Mexico. This force will blockade, and will, we apprehend, temporarily occupy the principal ports of the Gulf, such as Vera Cruz, Tampico, and one or two others. By these means the allies will, no doubt, bring the Mexican Government to an immediate acquiescence in their terms. But whether they bring them to terms, or whether they do not, will probably make very little difference in the attainment of their object; for what they will do by treaty, if they do bring the refractory Government to terms, they will do by force if they do not bring it to terms. The plan on which they have agreed for the satisfaction of the outstanding claims is this:

The Allied Powers will sequestrate the custom revenue of the ports in question. They will change their Consuls, or some other authorities, jointly to collect these revenues at the different ports; and these Consuls, acting together, will form a sort of international commission, constituted for the purpose, at each port. No ship will be able either to enter or clear at the ports of Vera Cruz, Tampico, &c., without the authority of these Consuls, who will exact — and not only exact, but themselves receive — the custom dues on such entrances and clearances. They will we presume, observe the existing customs duties recognized by Mexican laws, and will throw the proceeds into a common treasury of their own at each port. They then intend to retain a given proportion of these proceeds for their respective nations, and to pay over a portion to the Mexican Government. We believe that the Allies will retain about fifty per cent, of these, and will pay over fifty per cent, to Mexico. This is a liberal arrangement towards Mexico, and it is one which will reserve to that Government such a customs revenue as will enable it still to discharge the expenses of its own civil administration. But it is also an effectual arrangement for the Allied Powers, the customs revenue of the Gulf being very large. Their respective Consuls, after paying over to the Mexican Government its share of the proceeds, quarter by quarter, will divide the balance, or other half, rateably between the three countries. This arrangement will be permanent, or will endure at least until all claims shall have been discharged. A ship of war or two in the roadsteads of each of these ports will meanwhile secure the maintenance of the authority of the allied Consuls.

Much of this arrangement, of course, presumes the capitulation of the Mexican Government. But it, contrary to all probability, that Government should attempt to hold out, this (which would otherwise have been done by arrangement with the Mexican authorities) will be done by means of a blockade.--As soon as the arrangement can be made with the Mexican Government, there will no longer be need of an effective blockade, for the authority of the Consuls would spring from a treaty with Mexico herself.

It is probable that the repayment of British and other claims under this just, though vigorous, measure will be rapid. We observe that in 1860 the value of the exports of Vera Cruz alone was 133,000,000f., or £6,320,000.--We do not imagine that it will be necessary for ourselves to send any additional force into that quarter of the world. We have already on the West Indian and North American station twenty-six vessels of war, mounting five hundred guns, and carrying six thousand men. We believe, moreover, that the force which will appear in the Gulf of Mexico will be such as to extort immediate compliance, and we shall hardly be too sanguine if we look forward to seeing the system of revenue collection which we have already explained brought into full and regular operation before the close of the present year.

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