Late European News.Russia and the United States. [From the London Times.] We shall be curious to see how this well-meant intervention will be received in the United States, for as yet nothing can be gathered as to the substance of Mr. Seward's short dispatch. Were we to argue from the treatment to which England has been exposed, we should have been little sanguine as to the result. Everything we have done or omitted to do, everything we have said or not said, has been subjected to the same course misrepresentation and the same unprovoked abuse. The press of the United States has never been weary attributing to us designs which we never entertained — the recognization of the Southern States, the harboring of the privateers, the breaking the blockade, and then of announcing that, terrified by their threats and insults, we had reluctantly given up our nefarious projects.--If the same measure be meted out to the Emperor as to us, he will receive a very ungracious acknowledgment for his well-meant intervention. We are, however, sanguint enough to believe that this will not be the case, and that we should be doing injustice to the people of the States if we should assume that the treatment which England receives at their hands is fair measure of their courtesy to foreign nations. On the contrary, we have reason to believe that we stand in the United States on the footing of the least favored people on the earth.
[from the London News]If any European counsel could have been of use to the United States, it would have been that of his imperial Majesty. Other sovereigns have doubtless ardently desired an opportunity of expressing to the Government and people of America the concern with which they are spectators of their trials. In the case of the English Government it was manifestly impossible, if from no other cause from the mean and base passions which found prominent expression in our newspapers from the beginning of the American troubles, which have provided a malignant and unfailing commentary on every phase of their development, and in the height of which every official manifestation would be judged. Happily, however, good advice from any quarter would have arrived too late if given months earlier than the date of the Emperor's letter. The project of a great slave empire to be built in denounce of the conscience of Christendom has been formed, and was to be carried out at all risks. The contest had become inevitable; and the only way in which the North can now show its respect for the Emperor is in extinguishing once for all the institution of slavery, which in leading some members of the Union further and further away from the maxims of Washington and Jefferson, has placed the freedom and independence of the whole nation in extremest peril.
American public to believe that the Russian territories in the extreme northern portions of America constitute an element of power on the North American continent. The letter of Mr. Seward shows the gratitude with which the Cabinet at Washington has, in the hour of its distress, received both the patronage and the advice of the Emperor Alexander. Sympathy may exist between the United States and Russia, but that there can be any identity of interest on the North American continent we utterly deny. Russia, by the convention of 1825, was foolishly permitted to obtain possession of that strip of the coast which extend almost down to British Columbia. There is, however, no point at which the Russian territory meets that of the United States. England in Labrador, the Hudson's Bey territory, the boundaries of which, except on the coast, have never been determined, possesses and occupies the extremity of the North American continent. It is therefore a mere diplomatic falsehood, to represent that Russia and the United States hold ‘"the extremities of the two worlds."’ Knowing what the Russians are doing at the month of the Amour and at Sitka, we can well understand the policy of the Russian Emperor. He would prefer to deal with a week and disorganized neighbor like the United States, rather than with a strong Power like England. But British North America, which stretches from ocean to ocean — the frozen regions of the North, the hunting grounds of the free-trader — British Columbia, prosperous, contented and free Canada, must be blotted from the map, and ingloriously surrendered before Russia or the United States can, with any excuse, affect to hold the balance of American power in their hands. The letter of the Emperor of Russia may convey sound and friendly advice, and as a mark of gratitude for benefits received, may deserve respect; but both politically and geographically it is not only an enormous blunder but a stupid insult to this country, which still possesses dominion over more than one-half of the North American Continent, and under existing circumstances; and kick any balance which either Russia or the United States may assume to hold in their uncertain and unsteady hands.