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The Memphis Avalanche has received advices from the Northern line in the West to the 10th instant, from which we make the following extracts:

Movements of Federal troops.

In one day last week, thirteen thousand troops from Ohio and Indiana passed through Louisville on their way to Muldraugh's hill. The command of the Federal forces in Kentucky is divided between Anderson (sick) and Sherman. At Louisville the Federals had six companies of artillery, and the artillery force was to be increased to one hundred guns. At Indianapolis a camp of instruction had been instituted. A large number of men were there being schooled in the art of war, and our informant saw 32 rifled cannon at that place.

The number of Federals at different places along the Ohio is thus given by our informant: At Henderson, 3,000; at Paducah, 11,000; at Cairo, 4,500; at Byrd's Point, 15,000. On Friday last fifteen 32-pounders arrived at Cairo. The report published in our last, that three of Lincoln's boats had landed troops at Lucas's Bend, is confirmed, but our informant states they were after forage.

George McK. Lukin, a printer, formerly President of the Typographical Union of this city, is at Cairo, to spot such Southerners as he may chance to know. Lukin is a Chicago man. He recognized our informant, but too late to have him arrested.

When our informant was at Paducah there was a current report in town that Gen. Pillow was within the lines. The guards were doubled and orders issued to allow no man to leave the place. He could not learn whether they succeeded in catching him or not.

From Jefferson city.

A special dispatch to the St. Louis Democrat states that three Federal scouts had been captured by the Confederates on the 9th, and that heavy cannonading was heard in the direction of Tipton the same day. The only considerable body of Confederates the Federals knew of near Tipton was 3,000 cavalry, from Price's force, which had been ‘"laying in wait"’ for the jayhawkers several days — from all which we imagine that Gen. Price is ere this in possession of the capital of Missouri.

The papers are prohibited from publishing news of Fremont's movements.

Considerable ‘"indignation"’ has been manifested in military circles at Jeffersonville on account of the ‘"false alarm"’ of an attack on Hermann. The Confederates, says the special, are about abandoning Lynn creek.

A Pretty Yankee Story Spoiled.

The New York Post, of the 10th, says, ‘"there is not a word of truth in the Times dispatch about 100 rebels being drowned by the fire of the Monticello, near Hatteras inlet."’

A Rebellious Bank in Washington.

The Bank of Washington refuses to take the Treasury notes, and Lincoln's minions want Congress to close the ‘"disloyal institution."’ A Union newspaper has been established at Alexandria. Gen. Harney was expected in Washington on the 10th.

From Western Virginia.

Elk Water, Va., Oct. 10.
--Gen. Reynolds has made two reconnaissances in force within the last few days against Gen. Lee, and has driven him from Big Spring, the former rendezvous of his main force.

Part of his force is at Elk Mountain and Chain Bridge, respectively 30 and 40 miles from here — part of it under General Lee is said to have joined Floyd.

Gen. Rosencranz's column.

Cincinnati Oct. 10.
--The Commercial's Kanawha advices say that Gen. Rosencranz is at Mountain Cove, a strong position, twenty-five miles beyond Gauley. He had advanced ten miles further, to Little Sewell, but the enemy were too well entrenched and too strong at Big Sewell, five miles further on, to be attacked, and Rosencranz fell back, as an invitation to the enemy to come out and have a fair fight.

There was no expectation of an attempt by the enemy to force his position.

The weather in the Gauley region is terribly bad; rain falls almost incessantly.

General Rosencranz's troops are well clothed, having plenty of overcoats and blankets.

The fight at Chapmansville was a sharp and bloody affair. Five of Pratt's Zouaves were killed.

Important correspondence between General Buckner and the Hon. J. R. Underwood.

The subjoined correspondence, says the Louisville (Bowling Green) Courier, of the 14th, which we have been permitted to publish, will be read with interest. We regard General Buckner's reply to Mr. Underwood as one of the very best documents the campaign has yet brought forth. It shows that, so far from being the intolerant man the tory sheets in Kentucky wickedly represent him, General Buckner is disposed to be more tolerant, forbearing, and indulgent than many would think either proper or prudent:

Hon. J. R. Underwood's letter.

Frankfort, Ky, 29th Sept., 1861.
Gen. S. B. Buckner: Sir
--I am desirous to return to my family and home as soon as the Legislature adjourns. It has been suggested that, in consequence of my position as representative of the people of Warren county, political motives might induce my arrest by your orders, in case I return home and place myself within your power. I trust you will not consider it improper in me to ask whether, upon my return, you will permit me to remain unmolested with my family, to attend to my usual business in Warren and the adjoining counties as an attorney, and then to re-assemble here with the members of the Legislature.--If these privileges are conceded and guaranteed to me, I will strictly adhere to and comply with whatever conditions you may prescribe, unless I regard them too onerous. In that event I should not accept your terms, and should expect no favor.

I hope for a favorable answer, giving me the assurance I desire, and that you will place it in the hands of my wife to be forwarded.

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. R. Underwood.

Brigadier General Buckner's reply.

Bowling Green, Oct. 4, 1861.
To Hon. J. R. Underwood: Sir
--I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th of September, ult.

You write me that, ‘"It has been suggested that in consequence of (your) position as representative of the people of Warren county, political motives might induce (your) arrest by (my) orders, in case you return home, and place (yourself) in (my) power."’ And you ask me ‘"whether upon (your) return (I) will permit (you) to remain unmolested with (your) family, &c., and then to reassemble (at Frankfort) with the members of the Legislature?"’

If your suggestion in reference to your arrest on political grounds refers to any contemplated action of mine, it is not justified by anything I have said. I have never yet made a political arrest, nor contemplated making one. I regard the practice of such arrests as exercised by the United States authorities, and by some of the authorized armed bands of Kentucky, as at war with every principle of justice, of the Constitution, and of humanity. It is against the unlawful claim of the right to imprison citizens at will that has been with me a chief cause of resisting the tyranny of the Government. In the proclamation published by me at the time of occupying this place, I announced the principles which would guide my conduct. I have adhered simplicity to those principles, and have endeavored by my own action to soften, as far as possible, the asperities of the war. I have extended this so far as even to place spies in our midst upon their parole, instead of proceeding against them according to the strict rules of war.

If, however, your suggested question refers to my proposed future action, as a just retaliation for the oppressive and unconstitutional action of the Legislature, there is some reason in your inquiry. On the principle of retaliation, I would before this time have been justified in adopting the most stringent course in reference to those who, at the cost of civil liberty, have attempted to make Kentucky the instrument of subjugating her own citizens. But I have considered that the holy cause which, in common, I believe, with a large majority of the people of Kentucky, I advocate, does not require for its support the destruction of individual liberty, much less, sir, does it require that a citizen who, like yourself, has been a distinguished servant of the public, should be torn from your friends and your family, and buried in a political dungeon. I do not propose to imitate the impotent cruelties contemplated by the Legislature in support of their unjust and unconstitutional acts.

As for yourself, sir, you are free to enter, or to leave my lines at your pleasure. I have had no purpose of molesting you, but will cheerfully accord you every protection which I would give to any citizen. The terms on which you can remain I leave entirely to your own sense of honor.

I am, sir, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,
S. B. Buckner, Brig. Gen'l.

A Mazeppa in the West.

The Nashville Union contains the following incident of the skirmish near Paducah, which, it will be remembered, resulted successfully to the Confederates:

The horses and arms of the killed and prisoners were now hastily gathered, and the party fell back to where they had left their horses in charge of a small ‘"squad."’ They

found every thing all right with the exception of the prisoner they had taken the day before, and whom they had left pinioned closely to the horse, in a sitting position, and his hands tied behind him. By some means or other his horse had broken loose about the time of the firing, and, being a spirited young animal, no doubt the poor fellow became a second Mazeppa, bound as he was to a horse frantic with fright, and which had doubtless taken to the woods on the first report of fire-arms. The ‘"chance for his white alley"’ was a desperate one, as running the gauntlet of the trees and thick underbrush in the darkness of midnight, lashed to a fiery charger, I should consider worse than death itself. The party, however, hastily mounted and proceeded on their return march.

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