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England and the North.

--In an article suggesting that Seward's circular to the Northern Governors, recommending the fortification and defence of their coast line, has reference to a probable collision between England and the United States, a contemporary expresses the opinion that Seward believes a war with England would restore fraternal feelings to our own people, and that their common antipathy to an ancient enemy would make us again one country.

It is hard to guess what is Seward's notion, object, or theory in that circular. He has been guilty of so many absurdities since the war commenced that his old reputation for sagacity, and even cunning, has been seriously damaged. He never was, in fact, anything but an adroit politician and polished demagogue. A man of letters and of the lamp, all of whose speeches smell of the oil, he was also — a rare combination — an adroit party leader. His tact, cunning, and management gave him political promotion, and his scholarship and ornate oratory imparted dignity to a reputation which but for them would have been simply that of a cunning demagogue. He never was a statesman, and so long as his enemies concede him that character, they will never be able to explain the mystery which envelopes acts which, if performed by any other man, would be at once perceived to be blunders. The North occupies a summation at this moment from which the genius of Pitt could not extricate it, and yet there is not a third rate man in the British Cabinet who, if he had been Premier of Lincoln's Administration, could not have avoided that situation, or, at any rate, postponed the evil day till his section was better prepared for a collision. That the Southern Confederacy is so soon an accomplished fact, that the rupture of the old Union is final, fatal and Irrevocable is a demonstration that Wm. H. Seward is no statesman.

Hence, we are not prepared to assign to his circular, above referred to, any deep, unfathomable policy, which may open upon us like a ‘"masked battery"’ in a very different direction from that which the surface of things would indicate. We think it very likely that he is looking forward to a war with England, and the conjecture may be correct that he supposes such a war would reconcile the two sections of what he still insists is our country. If the North can suppose, as it evidently does that, in the first place, it can conquer the South, and, in the next, that, having conquered it, having confiscated our property, drenched the soil with the blood of our children, and visited outrages upon the defenceless classes too horrible for words, we can forget and forgive it all and hug our chains as golden links of Union, then it is not at all wonderful that Mr. Soward should indulge the supposition referred to, preposterous and crazy as every Southern man knows it to be.

The wrongs and injuries which produced the American Revolution were but dust in the balance compared with the robberies, murders, aggressions, usurpation, and despotism which we now resist. The South had but little interest at best in the American Revolution. It went to war for a principle, which, in a few years, the progress of liberty in England might possibly have established without the necessity of separation. But its generous sympathies, operated upon by the hypocritical whining of New England Puritans, who were in reality prompted by religious intolerance and commercial greed to the war of Independence, induced the South to draw its sword, and rush to the rescue of a people who have repaid us by making us commercially powers of wood and drawers of water; and, not content with draining us of every dollar of profit which our soil would yield, have made war upon our institutions, defamed our character, and at last invaded us with fire and sword, proclaiming in advance that they would appropriate the land, defile every hearth-stone, and bring beggary, ruin, and death upon our whole population.

If England had ever exhibited to the South a spirit so purely malignant and devilish, it is possible that in a war between that country and the North, we might feel indifferent to the result. We might read of British and Northern successes with equal disgust for both combatants. The past, however, is dead and buried. The old feeling of hostility engendered by former collisions has past forever.--There is not a loyal citizen of the Southern Confederacy who would not rather return to morrow to the dominion of the British Crown than to that of Abe Lincoln. We would infinitely prefer the wise and benign rule of Louis Napoleon to that of the vulgar and brutal despotism at Washington. If there is a war between the North and England or any other foreign country, that country will have our hearty cooperation whilst we are struggling for our independence, or, even if we could be subjugated, our best wishes would be with any and every enemy who would plunge its sword to the hilt in the corrupt and infamous despotism that has overthrown the American Constitution.

That England and the North will ere long be at blows, Mr. Seward contemplates with evident confidence. So sure is he of it, that he is not very careful in refraining from language calculated to irritate and annoy the British people and Government. His late speech in New York, expressing the opinion that Canada would certainly fall into the lap of the American Union, was little short of an open insult and defiance to the British empire. Equally foolish and even more aggravating are the threats of the New York press, to stir up an insurrection in Ireland. Great Britain can afford to treat such silly menaces with silent contempt. An insurrection in Ireland is now about as probable and practicable as in Scotland. The menace, however, is malignant enough to be remembered by the British Liou. When the hour comes, and all his preparations are completed, if he does not pay off old scores with a vengeance, we are much mistaken in the character and qualities of the royal beast. May be bury his claws deep in the vitals of Yankee-Doodledom, and break every bone in its miserable carcase ! The men who have been so long laboring for ‘"on to Richmond,"’ and uttering the most horrid threats against all we hold dear, may be sure that we shall be most happy and delighted if England or any other European power would visit upon them the same tribulations they are endeavoring to bring upon our heads.

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