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European Intelligence:
Comments of the foreign press on the capture of Mason and Slidell.
a friend of Lincoln's Government about being Mobbed.

From the latest foreign files which have been received we make up the following extracts is relation to the arrest of Messrs. Mason and Slidell. Our readers have already been apprised of the effect which England's indignation has had upon the Rump Government. After all the bluster and bombast of the Yankees, they have been made to swallow their words, and to accede to every demand which has been made upon them:

The war feeling in England.

The English press, with the solitary exception of Mr. Bright's organ, the Star, is vehemently hostile in tons. The unanimity of sentiment on the point of obtaining reparation for what is considered the insult offered to the British flag is wonderful. Indeed, it appears to be so deep seated, and to have been so ready to manifest itself, that it is almost impossible to avoid suspecting that there had existed previously in the public mind a foregone conclusion that war would be necessary, sooner or later. The Times sedulously fosters the relief that the President and Mr. Seward hear ‘"of malice aforethought"’ done their best to force England into it.

The Observer makes loud complaints about the system of espionage practised by American agents in the different ports. It seems that the Federal Government has persons employed in every English port of any consequence, to take note of the ships that are loading, of what their cargo consists, &c., and if the inspection is not satisfactory, these agents take photographs of the vessels and transmit the portals to the Federal cruisers.

The naval and military preparations for war are being prosecuted vigorously, and the naval reserve are coming forward as volunteers in large numbers.

The feeling in Ireland.

The organs of the ‘"Young Ireland party"’ have been thrown into hysterics from joy at the prospective war between England and America. The Nature of the captured of the Commissioners on board a British steamer was an ‘"act worthy of the spirit, daring and dash of the Americans; it was one to make Irish hearts jump with joy." ’ ‘"The news, continues the same organ,"’ has created wild excitement and enthusiasm in Dublin, and it will also awaken similar feelings and sensations throughout the whole country." If the English Government act offensively, then, we are told, will come ‘"a great time for Ireland; then will the men who are gone with a vengeance prove vengeful men indeed; then will the Irish race in America rush to arms and bound into the battle."’ The Dublin Freeman announces that in a few days the ‘"nation lists"’ will hold a meeting to express their opinion as to the course to be adopted in the present crisis of affairs between England and America.

On the other hand, the London Times affects to decide this manifestation of Irish feeling, and says that it is nothing more than what always occurs when England gets into a difficulty. The same journal also asserts that the real feeling of the Irish people at large is one of sympathy with England.

The feeling in France.

The English journals also appeal with confidence to the French press as supporting the English view of the Trent affair. On this French support the Liverpool European Times has the following remarks:

‘ The extraordinary sympathy which the French press has shown towards this country in the matter of the Trent begins to excite suspicion as to its disinterestedness, although it is very acceptable to those who are doing all in their power to write up a war feeling on this side of the channel. Suspicion as regards the French press may not be without reason; the press there is not free, and can hardly be supposed to speak its own sentiments. A war between England and America need not necessarily involve France, unless, indeed, the Emperor be all that his enemies amongst us paint him, in which case he would be more likely to be found acting against than with us.

Hitherto the French alliance has been viewed with suspicion by great numbers of people in this country, and when we co-operated in the Crimea, in China, and now in Mexico, a common feeling animated both Governments which could hardly be misconstrued. But, in this American difficulty, the same mutual self-interest is not perhaps quite so plain. Whatever cripples England may be said to strengthen France, and we have no doubt that the Emperor of the French thinks England would not be the worse for a little crippling."

’ The Star observes:

‘ "The dignity of Great Britain has been very well sustained so far without either schooling of assistance from the class of Parisian journals to which we refer; and we hardly think the moment when a very grave and portentous question is at issue between England and the United States the fittest opportunity for a sudden display of new born Parisian zeal for British honor, and indignation at the outrage it is supposed to have received. The French journalists to whom we allude are acting in this instance the excessively good-natured part of a bystander who, observing two boys in menacing and angry attitude, endeavors to aggravate the quarrel by stimulating to the utmost the wrath of the bigger combatant."

"indignation Meetings."

The London and Manchester journals are filled with indignation speeches against America. At one of them, (at Oldham,) on the 6th, Hon. Joseph Howe, Prime Minister of Nova Scotia, said:

‘ If two of the blackest and ugliest slaves in the South had escaped to a British vessel would Englishmen have allowed them to be seized? Suppose Garibaldi or Bixio had been coming to England from Italy to negotiate for peace, or fair play, or anything else, had been taken out of an English ship in the Mediterranean by a Neapolitan man-of-war? In either case would not every Englishman have demanded and enforced redress? (Hear, hear.) Yet this had, in effect, been done.--Gen. Scott, whom he knew personally, was a remarkably gallant old fellow — twice the size of the Duke of Wellington, to whom some of the newspapers had compared him; but it was not to be admitted that he was ever likely to become as great a General.--Gen. Scott said that the North would disavow the act and make reparation. But he (Mr. Howe) did not believe it. Did Mr. Adams, the American Minister in London, believe it?

One of the newspapers announced that Mr. Adams was preparing to go home; and it was very likely. Mr. Adams must know that right or wrong the people would attempt to justify the seizure; and that they would not make the amend they ought to do. Mr. Charles Sumner, (with Mr. E. Everett,) had attempted to justify the seizure. What might be inferred from that? Why, the men of the most moderate temper had made up their minds how the current was setting, and that England was to be insulted. Mr. Sumner was a remarkably clever fellow, and pleasant genial companion; but clever as Mr. Sumner was, he, (Mr. Howe) was not going to take his exposition of international law against that of the law officers of England. (Applause.)

’ The speaker, after expressing himself in favor of the principles of Wendell Phillips, rather than those of ‘"Lincoln and Seward,"’ went on to say:

‘ The North was like the ‘"dog in the manger"’ When he saw the Northerners sitting upon five or six million bales of cotton which it could not eat or manufacture, and which it did not know what to do with — when he saw the people of Lancashire looking a little blue at the aspect of the times, and by no means certain as to the result of the coming winter — his ‘"enlightened conscience"’ taught him to apply the fable, and to conclude that England would be as entirely justified in getting her share of that cotton as the hungry cattle would have been in tossing into the air the dog who lay in the way of their getting the hay they needed. [Laughter.] The comparison between the suspension of the English habeas corpus act of 1848 and of that in the United States, was entirely mistaken and incorrect; and to claim for the Northern press that it enjoyed freedom was ridiculous in the face of the fact that nine or ten editors and publishers in the North had been tarred and feathered, ridden on rails, or had their establishments is smashed, simply for freely expressing their opinions.

The English free Traders on the war and blockade — a Sympathizer with America about to be Mobbed in London.

[From the London Post, Dec. 6.]

Yesterday evening Lord Fermoy and Mr. Harvey Lewis, the representatives of the borough of Marylebone, met their constituents at Hall's riding school, Albany street — The building was densely filled by electors and non-electors.

Lord Fermoy, in the course of his speech said:

‘ They had carried, in 1861, the commercial treaty with France. That was a step in the right direction, and when in consequence of events which every calm judging man must deplore — when a fratricidal war was going on in the United States, and when our markets were narrowed, it must be gratifying to reflect that we had by this treaty broken down the barriers which the stupidity and ignorance of past ages had raised up between the manufacturers and the people of this country and France. (Loud Cheers.)--He hoped to see the day when all duties were abolished, when our custom- houses were pulled down, and there was free intercourse between all nations. Therefore, he said, the

French treaty was in itself a step in the right direction, and a measure of good practical legislation which was not entitled to be designated as a portion of ‘"a do-nothing session."’ (Cheers.) The government said the people did not want reform. He said that was an issue which no government who had acted as they had acted had a right to put to the people; but they had put it, and his advice to the people was to take the government at their word, and agitate the question. (Loud cheers.) He would tell them to wait no longer — let them insist on their rights. (Renewed cheers.) Now, last session there had been something like a retrograde movement on the part of the liberal party. In fact, it was something like the Bull Run affair — the officers ran away first; and the men followed. (Laughter.) Mr. Balnes's £6 franchise, which had been carried the previous session, was lost. Locke King's motion had shared the same fate, and all because the spirit of the party was gone; and the tories — who were far better tacticians — whipped up their men, and had it all their own way.

’ Having alluded to matters of a local interest, the noble lord thus spoke on the American difficulty: There is one subject which presses above all others on the mind of every man, and the cause unhappily arises from matters connected with our cousins across the Atlantic. I for one have always had the deepest interest in all that concerns the well being of the democratic institutions of America. I sympathize, and always shall sympathize, with their noble and successful attempts, and if I impart one strong of one harsh word into what I am about to utter of our cousins over the water it is from no lessening of that kindly feeling and sympathy which I have ever felt towards them. But if we are to believe what we see and hear, the Northern States have lost any little sense that was left in them. They have attempted an outrage on the flag of this country; they have attempted to break through that right of asylum which we have ever preserved intact. (Cheers.)

A Voice — She was not a Queen's ship. (‘"Oh, oh,"’ and groans)

Lord Fermoy--Not a Queen's ship; she was a British ship. (Loud cheers) The officers on board were clothed in the uniform of the British service, and that glorious meteor flag, that never flew but over the disenthralled and free, floated from her masthead. (Tremendous cheering) Was she not a Queen's ship? (Renewed cheers.) I hope she will ‘"take wit in their anger."’ I hope that if the infantry has been made en to order and to maintain this aggression, that the which is now sitting in America, them from power, and will not drive as to extremities. If they do, we are prepared. (Vociferous cheering.) I tell them that the honor of the English flag is dear to every Englishman; I tell them that it is dear to the majority of Irishmen. (Cheers.) I tell them that the honor of England is dear to the nation, and that we cannot allow it to be tarnished. (Great cheering.) We can afford to wait, we can give them fair time for full consideration; but if they refuse redress, and drive us to take vengeance, then will we swoop the seas of their vessels. (Tremendous cheering)

Upon the aggressors, upon those who have forced the aggression on us, be the responsibility, and not upon us. (Cheers.) We have a country to stand by. She has a history such as no other nation can boast of. She has a Constitution of which, although we are anxious to amend it, every Briton need be proud — a Constitution won by long and great struggles — a Constitution which we can never see insulted or impaired by any man. (Loud cheers.) And now, having said this, I will add that whatever may be the short comings of Lord Palmerston on the Reform bill, I am glad that at this crisis, when foreign affairs are in confusion, we have at the head of the Government a nobleman who has been connected with the business of the State for fifty years, who will never permit the glory of England to be tarnished, and on whose temper, forbearance, and coolness as a long-tried statesman, this country can rely to bring her out of the entanglement into which she is plunged, if it be possible, without war and with honor to the country. (Great cheering.) I believe Lord Palmerston is that man--(renewed cheering) --and if he should fail in all just and reasonable attempts, then, if the dire alternative be presented, then will he carry the flag of England with honor and safety through a war better than any man of the present day. (Protracted cheering.)

The noble lord was about to resume his seat when, recollecting the had been frequently interrupted by an individual in the hall during the latter portion of his speech, he said: ‘Before I retire I beg to say I forgive my friend who has so interrupted me. I will do more; I will make a present of him to the Yankees, and I hope they will never send him back again.’

The idea took; and the auditors cheered so vociferously that they probably forgot to look out for the ‘"Yankee present,"’ or he would certainly have been dispatched as far as the door on his intended journey.

Mr. Harvey Lewis next came forward to address the meeting, and was well received; although laboring, as he did, under the disadvantage of speaking after the patience of the meeting had been somewhat exhausted. He was occasionally subjected to interruptions. With reference to the American question, he said that the might and majesty of England should never be impaired and sooner than be one of those who would see the honor and dignity of this country lowered, he would resign all claim to the position which he then occupied, and which he so highly valued. (Cheers.) He did not believe that the men of Marylebone, who had sympathized with oppressed nationalities, and who had aided in turning out a government because in Dr. Bernard's case they believed they pondered to a foreign potentate, would see the flag of England insulted.-- (Loud cheers.) This country had at first been misled by the Northern States, thinking they were making war for a principle dear to us, the abolition of slavery, but it was a mere pretence. Before a month was over our starving artisans would feel the effect of what was after all, but a paper blockade. The Northern States had treated us with open contempt. They had committed a gross outrage in seizing on the island of St. Juan; and now, because we had borne with them, they had violated the British flag, ever held sacred, and the asylum which Britain ever afforded. He did not believe that England wished for peace at any price--(cheers) --and referring to the idea promulgated by the United States newspapers, he quoted the speech recently delivered by Mr. Disraeli on this subject. He thought that when Lord Palmerston was at the head of affairs, and Earl Russell was Foreign Minister, the honor and dignity of England would remain unimpaired. (Cheers.)

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