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Newspaper accounts.

The United States Government and the Mexican question from A Spanish Point of view.


[Translated from the Diario dela Marina, Havana, January 5, for the New York Herald]

Our readers will perceive in the news columns of yesterday's issue that according to the New York Times of the 25th ult., the American Government has addressed a friendly letter to the Ministers of England, France, and Spain, requesting them to inform their respective Governments that the United States could not participate in the triple alliance, but that they were going to enter into arrangements with Mexico by virtue of which France and England could collect the bonds of which those Governments are the holders, and by this means the necessity of their taking part in the expedition at least would be avoided. According to other statements made by the same Times, an organ of the Washington Cabinet, it appears, in consequence, that the President and Congress of Mexico are doing all in their power to satisfy the claims of England and France. The conditions which the Government of the former insisted on, in their ultimatum, were three. Two were promptly accepted; the other relative to an interference in the custom-house, was considered incompatible with the independence of Mexico. The ultimatum of the French Minister comprehends five points, all of which were favorably received except that which requires an ample apology to be made in some public street as a reparation for the offence received.

The European Powers which have questions pending with the Mexican republic are three, and it has been agreed upon between them in what manner they are to be settled, determining, in the agreement. upon the number of troops and ships which each of them should contribute, in case, already realized, it were necessary to employ force to obtain from that nation the satisfaction due to them all. Why is it, then, if the statements of the Times are exact, that the Governments of the United States and Mexico confine themselves to endeavoring to satisfy two of those Powers, cunningly omitting Spain, which has more interests there, a greater number of citizens, has received greater injuries, furnishes a greater number of troops to the common cause, and, being in readiness first, already occupies with her soldiers and ships the city of Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan de Ullos. If we are to believe the Times, this apparent anomaly consists in that the questions between Spain and Mexico admit of no other solution than force.

Well and good; if considerations of a high and transcendental kind, which we have shown in other articles, and with which we shall occupy ourselves afterwards, should not make us appreciate the worth of the co-operation in the matter we are speaking of two of the most important nations of Europe, we would gladly take upon ourselves exclusively the charge of making Mexico do her duty by force, since arguments founded on reason, right and justice, are rejected with ridiculous arrogance. It would be easy for us to send there a hundred thousand men if

necessary, since our treasury is full, our navy numbers 1,812 guns, and we have in the three Antilles an excellent base of operations from their proximity to the Mexican coast, and other favorable circumstances which they combine. We shall not be considered presumptuous if we believe that with such elements we could not only triumph over the resistance which might be opposed to us, but occupy the country militarily and permanently, imposing on its Government what conditions we choose. But there would be no necessity even to display all this force, which we would reserve for more urgent and important occasions. The Republic of Mexico is divided into parties which have placed her in the wretched situation in which she is; and it is certainly not the least important party in the wealth, influence, and talents of those who compose it which would see with pleasure and ably assist us in the work of renovation and advantage for the country which we would have to undertake by invasion, if we should find ourselves compelled. Spain will not require more than a part of the force previously mentioned, in order to secure, with the assistance of some good Mexicans, who beg a support of this kind, the formation there of a good, stable Government, which, establishing order on a firm and enduring basis, would listen to our just claims and develop in the interior of the nation the fruitful germs of wealth which lie hidden in the soil.

But the alliance of the three European Powers for the settlement of Mexican matters has, in our eyes, an importance and transcendence of a higher kind, as we have previously said and pointed out in another article, and therefore we not only accept it with extreme complacency, but consider it to have realized and put in practice one of the diplomatic acts of most influence here after on the future of this part of the world; because it is a solemn protest, on a par with a former act established against the Anglo American pretensions of excluding Europe from all interference in the affairs of these countries. [Allusion is made most probably to the St. Domingo affair.-- fid. N. Y. Herald.] It is true that this egotistical and presumptuous doctrine has never been considered by Europe in the arena of diplomatic discussion; but there was wanting to the rejection of it a contrary affirmation founded on acts; we have such now, and congratulate the Spanish Government on this diplomatic triumph, if, as we presume, the initiative of the Anglo-Franco-Spanish alliance be their doing.

We do not know if we be mistaken, but we sincerely believe that we see in the efforts which the Cabinet of Washington is making to break it, by trying to get Mexico to satisfy the claims of two of the three Powers, a manifest proof that Cabinet sees in the agreement between England, France and Spain, the same importance and transcendence which we ourselves attribute to it. We are, therefore, clearly of opinion with those who would wish to see Spam alone arrange, peaceably or by force, the question pending with Mexico, and we think that among the many and very important services which the present Spanish ministry has rendered to the public cause — they having tried and succeeded in realizing the alliance we are speaking of — is not the least which will raise it in the estimation of farseeing men.

And will the Cabinet at Washington, perchance, succeed in the purpose which it proposes to itself with so much ardor — to separate us from our allies? The New York Times cherished hopes that England would cease to be a party to the alliance, basing them on negotiations opened by Mr. Wyke with the Juarez administration in Mexico; but its illusions disappeared on reading the last number of the London Post. which had come to hand — the organ, as it knows, of the British premier. Further, there is in the money article of that number one paragraph, among others, which leaves no doubt of the matter: ‘"The attempt to withdraw our active interposition and separate us from our allies, is vain; our fleet, in conjunction with those of France and Spain, will proceed to collect duties in the ports and custom-houses of Mexico."’ We may, then, rest satisfied in the confidence that the three Powers will operate in common accord until all three succeed in the object which they jointly proposed to themselves. And since the Cabinet at Washington has not desired to share in the undertaking, we already have, against the so-called Monroe doctrine, a precedent which must hereafter exercise a great influence on the destinies of this portion of the world.


Proclamation of President Juarez on the Spanish invasion of Mexico.

Mexicans--The warnings of the approaching war which was preparing in Europe against us have begun, unfortunately, to be realized. Spanish forces have invaded our territory; our national dignity is insulted; and, perhaps, our independence in danger, Under such difficult circumstances, the Government of the Republic believes that it complies with one of its principal duties by placing within your reach the cardinal idea which shall be the basis of its policy in the present state of affairs. The interest of all is concerned, and if all are bound as good sons of Mexico, to contribute their intelligence, their fortune, and their blood towards the salvation of the Republic, all claim an equal right to be informed of the conduct and proceedings of the Government.

On the 14th of the present mouth the Governor of the State of Vera Cruz received an intimation from the Commander of the Spanish naval forces to evacuate that city and the fortress of Ulloa, which that Commander announces his determination to hold as a security until the Government of the Queen of Spain shall be satisfied that the Spanish nation shall be treated in future with the consideration which is due, and that the compacts between both, Governments shall be religiously observed. The Spanish officer also declares that the occupation of the city and castle will serve as a guarantee for the claims which France and Great Britain may have against the Mexican Government.

The grounds for this aggression are incorrect — namely, insults offered to her Catholic Majesty by the Government of the republic and the blind obstinacy with which the Government of Mexico has constantly refused to listen to the just claim of Spain.

* * * * * * * * *

Long before the recognition of our independence the Mexican Congress nationalized the debt contracted by the Spanish Government although a large part of it had been employed in combatting that very independence, and a no less considerable share had been intended for European obligations of the Spanish monarch.

Subsequently the character of agreement was given to the settlement of the Spanish claims; but it coming to light afterwards that some of the Spanish subjects interested in them, abusing the good intentions of the Government of the republic, bad introduced a great number of credits which evidently had not the qualities required by the agreement. The Mexican Government has earnestly endeavored to correct those operations by reducing them within just and equitable bounds.

For the rest the Government has been and still is disposed to satisfy all just claims, as far as the national resources will permit — a fact well known to the Power which now invades us. All nations, and more especially Spain, have passed through times of penury and want, and almost all have had creditors who have waited for better times in which to secure themselves. From Mexico alone are sacrifices beyond her strength required.

If the Spanish nation cloak other designs under the financial question, and with the pretext of groundless insults, her intentions shall soon be known. But the Government, which must prepare the country for any event, proclaims, as the basis of its policy, that it does not declare war, but will repel force by force as far as its means will permit. That it is disposed to satisfy the claims against it founded on equity and justice, but without accepting conditions which can not be admitted without offending the dignity of the nation or compromising its independence.

Mexicans, if such upright intentions be despised; if it be intended to humiliate Mexico, to dismember her territory, to interfere in her internal policy and Government, or perhaps extinguish her nationality, I appeal to your patriotism, and urge you that, laying aside the hatreds and enmities to which the diversity of our opinions has given rise, and sacrificing your properties and your blood, you rally united around the Government and in defence of a cause the greatest and most sacred among men — the defence of our country.

Exaggerated and sinister reports from the enemies of Mexico have presented us before the world as uncivilized and degraded.

Let us defend ourselves in the war to which we are provoked, observing strictly the laws and usages established for the sake of humanity. Let the defenceless enemy live in peace and security under the protection of our laws. Then shall we repel the calumnies of our enemies, and prove ourselves worthy of the liberty and independence bequeathed us by our fathers.

Mexico, Dec. 18, 1861. Benito Juarez.


[Translated from the Extra of the Diario dela Marina, Jan. 7.]

The steamer Cuba arrived at this port last evening bringing one day, intelligence from Vera Cruz — that is, to the 2d of January.

No event of importance had occurred in the city or its neighborhood, nor yes on board the vessels of the squadron, which was in a state of complete inactivity, the officers greatly desiring to visit other ports on the coast.

One of our kind friends has sent us the

following letter, to which we call the attention of our readers:

Vara Cruz, Jan. 2, 1862.

Yesterday one hundred and fifty-six passengers from Tampico arrived at this port on board the steamer Clyde. These (who are all Spaniards) were sent into the interior of the country by Gen. Tapia, Governor of Taman Lipps, intending to hold them as hostages against the arrival of the Spanish forces in that State. In consequence of this decree, on the 27th of last month he ordered them to proceed one hundred miles into the interior within the short space of twenty- four hours; but understanding the nature of the case, they sought and obtained the assistance of the French Vice Consul, who was acting for the Spanish Consul, and by his aid the whole one hundred and fifty-six embarked on the English packet, leaving some thirty to follow to this port in an English vessel.

This proceeding of the Governor of Tamaulipas is in complete opposition to the 7th article of the decree which President Juarez published after the occupation of Vera Cruz by our forces, for among other things he says: ‘"Now more than ever the lives and capital of foreigners must be protected,"’ &c. This, and the disobedience of Vidaurri and other generals of the superior Government, very clearly show the disordered state of this country.

If we are to believe the accounts from the interior, there are already assembled 12,000 men at a distance of thirty miles from this city, while 6,000 more are marching upon Orizaba. On the same authority it is said that this force is sustained on corn bread and hot peppers from a which I deduce there will be many assertions.

There are some guerrillas about this vicinity, who oppose obstacles to the transmission of fresh provisions to that city. They have not been driven away because our instructions here are not to leave the city. A few nights since they fired at our advance guard, which is a mile and a half from the wails.

Four thousand muskets have been seized in, the port, brought by a Hamburg vessel, and a considerable quantity of powder on board an English ship. Other vessels with rifled artillery and munitions are expected, but as we must await the concentration of the allied forces, we can not blockade the other ports, by which all kinds of contraband of war will come in. Our situation is, then, some what difficult, and it is to be hoped that it may be ended as soon as possible.

This city, which resembled a pantheon, when we arrived, is recovering life, and confidence is being re-established in view of the good behavior of our troops. You have to learn that such were the calumnies of half a dozen vagabonds, that the people, and the women in particular, did not dare to present themselves at the street doors of their houses, for fear of the violence which they were told that the Spaniards would commit; but they, al ways generous to the weak, are now the consolation of some who are in need. I have seen the behavior of the Spanish soldiers in St. Domingo, and I now see it here, and I am more and more convinced that our troops are possessed of excellent elements to make them the first in the world.

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