French mediation recommended.
opinion of the French and English press.
[from the Paris Constitutionnel (leading article,) June 10.]
Battles great battles, are about to be fought in
America, and perhaps have been fought already at the very moment we are writing.
It is impossible, in fact, for the armies of the
North and the armies of the
South, in presence of each other at
Corinth and at
Richmond, not to come to blows.
Deluges of blood will be shed, and what is more and to contemplate, whatever the issue may be, these terrible encounters do not promise a solution of the actual crisis
either for America or for Europe. The victory, no matter on which side, will not be attended with any final result.
Violence, hatred, passions of every description, of which the first war of Independence has given us the recital, are nothing compared with the hatred which now animates the
South against the
North; but they may give an idea of the resistance and of the obstacles which the
Federal armies will have to meet from the
Confederates.
Let history, whose lessons are so rarely listened to, serve at least in some measure to give a material eloquence under such circumstances.
We are willing to grant to those who do not share our opinion anything they wish; we will grant to the
Federals superiority by land and by sea; we will accept proximate triumphs for the
North.
The question which the
positive spirit of modern civilization is so fond of putting still remains: ‘"And what then?"’ Will the triumph of the
Federal arms produce miracles?--Will it change the seasons?
Will it dissipate the hot weather and the sickness which must ensue?--Can it manage that the extent of territory conquered, and consequently to be occupied, shall not be equal to the whole extent of
France,
England and
Austria put together?
Where are the armies to occupy such an extent, and where is the moral strength which could dispense with occupying them and hold the place of soldiers?
We simply wish to touch upon facts — nothing but facts.
What do we see on the side of the
Confederates?
They burn their produce; they burn their provisions; they destroy their railways; they blow up their dockyards, their arsenals, and their ships; they leave their wives and children to fight in battle.
When in a proclamation of savage energy,
General Beauregard recommends the planters to destroy their crops which are within reach of the enemy, and to apply the torch to them without delay or hesitation, it is not simply a captain excited by the drunkenness of war who speaks — it is the general sentiment loudly expressed.
Had not numerous meetings already expressed their opinion?
Once, again, let us observe, we do not wish to express our own ideas on such acts; we simply wish to give facts.
On the other hand, what are the
Federals doing?
What at once strikes us is, that the country of freedom
par excellence has commenced by suppressing freedom.
Military directors have seized upon all the telegraph lines which traverse
America in every direction.
The same censorship compels their newspapers to publish only what is favorable to the
North and unfavorable to the
South.
And what is the reason for this?
The
North speaks to the whole world by the electric wires, while information from the
South, when it does come, comes tardily.
In fact, the journals and correspondence from the South, which reach us by way of Havana and St Thomas, are sometimes five weeks behind hand, and thus lose all interest.
The
North proclaims martial law with all its severities; it suppresses every independent voice; it threatens the suspected with death.
In presence of such despotism the English press has not been able to remain silent.
In the midst of such a struggle, between such desperate opponents, who dare say that a spontaneous or likely pacification is possible?
Peace can only come from without, and the word (‘"Mediation"’) which we have placed at the head of this article can alone put an end to a war which has desolated, steeped in blood, and decimated
America already too long, and, what is more, earthed
Europe to suffer too long.
The word we allude to is ‘"Mediation."’
But whence is this mediation to come, and on what basis can it be founded?
Whence it will come we have already stated.
As regards the basis, it may easily be found.
First of all, it is evident that as ‘"mediation,"’ in principle, must be accepted by both belligerents, it can only represent ideas of justice and of moderation, and that consequently it cannot be addressed to those who would like to engraft a slave war on a civil war, or to those who consider the institution of slavery as an institution of Divine right.
This mediation, a point most singularly overlooked, corresponds not only to the most vital interest to commercial Europe, but also to the most sensible minds that represent the interests of
America.
Let us remember that
President Lincoln had pronounced himself in the same sense as, before him,
Generals Burnside and
Butler did, against an excitement to a slave war, and that in his last proclamation he called to mind his special message, quoting the following resolution, adopted by large majorities by both Houses of Congress:
‘"The
United States must co-operate with that State which might adopt the gradual abolition of slavery, by giving to such State, in its judgment, such a compensation as is required for public or private inconveniences resulting from such a change of system."’
Let us bring to bear upon this passage another solemn declaration made by
President Lincoln in his inauguration address of the 4th of March, 1861:--
‘"I have no intention to interfere, directly or indirectly, in the question of slavery where it exists; I do not think that I have the right to do so legally, and I am by no means inclined to do so."’
It is thus that the
North speaks in the spirit of moderation and of justice.
Will the South be less accessible to this spirit of conciliation and of wisdom? We do not think so, and we have a proof at hand.
A man of consideration in the
South, (
Mr. Yancey,) a Commissioner of the
Southern States, at a banquet given at Fishmonger's Hall on the 9th of November last, in
London, spoke as follows:
‘
When our adversary shall have become sufficiently calm to treat us as belligerents, the aurora of peace will appear in the horizon.
When that hour has struck, I think I may say that the Confederate Government will not show itself inflexible, except upon one point — the care of our honor and of our independence.
As regards the great interest of peace and humanity, our, Government will know how to make concessions in everything simply material or of secondary importance."
’
Those words were hailed with immense applause; and here, evidently, is to be found the basis of a possible arrangement — of an arrangement such as may be proposed in the name of
Europe by a great and free nation.
Beyond this — beyond this most opportune mediation--
is the point of view of European interests.--So legitimate is the point of view of humanity and civilization, there remain only catastrophes the extent of which no human eye can penetrate.
The capture of
Richmond would not advance the affairs of
America one whit more than the capture of New Orleans.
The South bathed in blood, the North plunged into bankruptcy and anarchy, commercial Europe seeing its sufferings increase — suck are the consequences of the continuance of this war.
Mediation, on the contrary, by putting an end to a fratricidal struggle, and by consecrating a separation already accomplished, without allowing one of the belligerents to crush the other, and cause desolation instead of peace, would render the most eminent service to
America as well as to
Europe.
One year ago, when the was broke out, France offered her mediation to America. That offer was not accepted.
What an immense amount of bloodshed, what sad catastrophes, what desolation across the
Atlantic, what suffering in our own homes, might have been spared if the voice of
France had then been listened to.
The
Paris Patrie, of June 12, gives a rumor of approaching negotiations for a joint offer of mediation by
France and
England.
[from the London Shipping Gazette, June 11.]
We transferred to our columns yesterday an article on the American struggle from the
Constitutionnel, which is worthy of attentive perusal, not alone for the clearness of the views and the force of the arguments advanced, but because of the very probable inspiration of the article itself.
Our
Paris contemporary writes in view of the preparations, at
Corinth and
Richmond, for two great battles.
Nothing, he believes — and no doubt truly — can prevent the occurrence of these terrible on counters with their accompaniments of bloodshed and carnage; but he does not see that these sad results will bring matters one whit nearer the desired solution, and he asks, naturally enough, to what purpose is this waste of human life, this insane expenditure of the results of human industry?
We, like the
Constitutionnel, recognize in the terms proposed by
Mr. Yancey the ‘"basis of a possible arrangement,"’ and we rejoice at the prospect of mediation founded upon that basis; but we cannot conceal from ourselves that such a mediation, to be successful, pre-supposes the surrender, on the part of the
North, of that which it has contended for from the first, and for which the
Federals are apparently prepared to accept national bankruptcy, and even national extinction.
But if there be indications — which we confess are not apparent — of a disposition on the part of the
North to reconsider matters, and concede that which their opponents demand, by all means let the opportunity be seized to bring the pressure of a friendly Government to hear in the direction where alone it can produce the desired effect.
If the article in the
Constitutionnel
reflects,
as it most probably does, the views of the imperial Government, and even foreshadows as policy, let the attempt at mediation be made or renewed, at
Washington.
The state of affairs in
America will be shortly brought before the attention of the British Parliament.
We are not sure that the mediation of
England would, under existing circumstances, be efficient, or even polite.
But any interference, with the object of bringing the war to a conclusion, will have the best wishes of the people of this country, at least, for its success.
The
Paris correspondent of the London
News, writing on the rumors of mediation, says:
‘ You will observe that, according to the wording of the
Patric's note, nothing more is affirmed than that
France has determined to ask
England to join in mediation — a proposal which, in the present state of public information as to the views of the
British Government, it might be thought would be certainly refused.
’
Other
Paris correspondence speak as if
France was already assured of the co- operation of England in her schemes for intervention. It says that after two discussions in the
French Ministerial Councils, one of which was held the 13th of June, within a few hours of the
Emperor's departure for Fontaine-bloan, mediation
was resolved upon; that simultaneous propositions should be made by
England and
France at
Richmond and
Washington, and that in case of their refusal, either by the
North or the
South, the two Powers
will impose peace upon the belligerents by force of arms.
I believe the
French Government is capable of proposing this project; but I cannot for a moment suppose it will be accepted in
England.
Paris papers state that the approaching visit of
Count Persigny to
London is exclusively political, and, according to the
Esprit Public, he will submit to the
English Cabinet the private views of the
Emperor relative to arrangements for joint mediation in
America.
The
Paris Pays says the
Patric has gone too far in its statements relative to mediation.
It gives to a more wish formed by public opinion the character of a diplomatic fact.
Up to the present time all is confined to manifestations of the
European press in favor of pacification.
The London
Times, in an editorial on the ministers, says:
‘ There will be no disposition to quarrel with the decision of the
Cabinet, and the country will gladly leave the question in the hands of the
Government to choose such an opportunity and mode of action as they may deem proper.
’
The London
Times, admits that advice from
England would not be acceptable; but it would
rejoice to see the Emperor of France or the Char of Russia press on the Americans the counsels which would be indignantly rejected if offered by
England.
The London
Times then speculates on the disastrous effects of either a Northern conquest or the reverse, and argues that, if the Southerners continue to protract the struggle, the time
must come when the intervention of Europe will be demanded by the interests of humanity, and perhaps accepted willingly by the exhausted combatants
England may then with prudence hold itself in readiness to support any proposition urged by its more favored neighbors.
In another editorial the London
Times seeks to encourage the development of new cotton fields.
The
Times editorially approves of mediation, and says that
Europe ought not to look calmly on and do nothing in the present aspect of affairs.
If the offer of mediation is delayed, the more important question — that of the recognition of the
Confederate States--may have to be considered.
The London
News argues strongly against interference in
America, and contends that
England has good reasons for not wishing to see carried out
the intervention policy of Napoleon, which seeks to establish an empire, with slavery for its corner-stone.
The London
News says that from the moment
European soldiers shall
set foot in the States, the
Government of that Republic will enter upon a new era of its existence.
Its political isolation will be at an end, and it will be compelled to become and remain a great military and naval Power, which is not for the interest of
England nor for the peace of the world.
The article also contends that
England should not assist in any movements calculated to restore to the
South that monopoly in cotton which has now proved so disastrous.
The London
Post has an article
on the insurmountable difficulties in the re-construction of the American Union, and cannot believe, even if the Federal arms are successful, that the seceded States can be restored to the Union.
The London
Post says that Lord Palmerston's announcement that no mediation was intended will be received with satisfaction, as well as an indication of the good sense of the Governments of
France and
England, and of their respect for international law. After expatiating, however, on the uselessness of any present offer of mediation, the London
Post says the time may come, and
that shortly, when it will become the paramount duty of the neutral States to interfere in the
American troubles; but now, as at the commencement of the war, they are undoubtedly to stand aloof.
The
London Herald, in strong terms, asks, "how long is
America to be indulged and
Europe to en on the insurmountable difficulties of the
North, it contends that
separation is the only basis for peace. It denounces
Gen. Butler and his proclamation in the strongest terms, and says it is enough to enlist universal sympathy for the
South.
The Manchester
Guardian contends that the time for
England to interfere has not yet come, if indeed it ever will, and attaches little importance to the
French reports of negotiations.
It thinks
France can go further in the matter than England, and would rejoice to see the struggle ended without the interference of England.
Mr. Beresford Hope writes to the London
Times in favor of mediation.
He claims to have felt the popular pulse in
England during the course of lectures which he has been giving on
America, and asserts that a great majority of the people would fain see the strife terminated by the establishment of the Southern Confederacy.
Miscellaneous foreign items
The Prince of
Wales reached
Windsor June 14, from the
East.
The Japanese Ambassadors were to embark at
Woolwich for
Holland on the day that the
Etna left
Liverpool.
The number of visitors at the
Great Exhibition on Monday, the 9th, was 58,682--the largest attendance yet.
The English Court had been ordered into mourning for a week on account of the death of the
Grand Duchess of
Hesse.
The Pacha of
Egypt continued in
London, and had been visited by the
Lord Chamberlain on the part of Her Majesty.
Paris letters say that a telegram dated
Brussels, the night of the 14th of June, holds out little hope of the
King of
Belgium's recovery.
The
Turks, after having taken the entrenchments at
Ostrog, had advanced on Abai.
The entrenchments were taken by assault after five hours fighting.
All the Montenegro residing in
Turkey had been recalled by their
Prince.
The
Paris evening journals, of June 11, publish the following: Dervish Pacha has encamped at Nicksich; being short of provisions.
The Prince of Montenegro and Mirko had retreated in the direction of Maratz.
Commercial intelligence.
The London Money Market.--In the
London money market the funds were dull, but without mate rial variation in rates.
There was considerable demand for money, and the best short paper sold at 3 per cent.
Consols closed on Friday, June 13th, at 91 ⅝ @ 91¾ for money.
The bullion in the Bank of England had decreased £450,000.
Baring says the disposition to sell American stocks continues, and tends to depress prices.
The Paris Bourse.
Paris, June 14, 1862.
The Bourse is firmer.
The
Rentes closed yesterday (June 13) at 68f. 65
The Liverpool cotton market.
Liverpool. June 14, 1862.
The Brokers' Circular reports the sales of the week at 84,000 bales. The market has been buoyant and prices are one-quarter to three-eighths of a penny higher.
The sales to speculators have been 22,000 bales, and to exporters 23,000.
The sales on Friday were 7,000 bales, including 3,500 to speculators and exporters, the market closing firm at the annexed quotations:
| Fair. | Middling. |
| Orleans | 14½ | 13¼ |
| Mobiles | 13¾ | 13 |
| Uplands | 13½ | 12 ⅞ |
The stock in port is estimated at 289,000 bales, of which 92,000 are American.
State of trade.
There have been no sales in the
Manchester market, owing to the Whitsun holidays.