From the North.
We continue our extracts from late Northern papers, McClellan
denies failure to send Pope
supplies, in Saturday's Journal of Commer
The Washington Star
, of the 10th September, denounces Pope
's report as false, mischievous, &c., and says it is verbatim the letter of the New York Time's
The New York Herald
of Saturday, 11th says our forces been gone to Hager town on their way to Chambersburg, Pa.
, Our cavalry have been to Havre de Grace
A. New York Herald
, correspondent thinks we will hold Frederick City, (on the Monocracy river almost due north from Leesburg
,) equal, distant from Washington
, and there threaten both cities.
He says our army can winter in Maryland
, and draw supplies from the Cumberland Valley
The change of tone about the danger from our army of invasion is an amusing contrast to the ‘"on to Richmond
Changing front — a usurpation Predicted.
The disaster of the past two weeks have occasioned a changed of front in the Republican press, and journals that were only a few days ago denouncing all who found fault with the conduct of the Administration, now confers the failure of the experiment of Republican administration, and rails at the imbecility that has marked the course of the Government
The N. Y. Times
, trims its sails to me of the storm of indignation that sweeps over the North
with all the adroitness of an experienced navigator, and forgetting its denunciation of McClellan
three or four days ago, scuds before the wind ahead of all other craft on the new tack.
From its eleventh-hour convictions we extract the following:
In a word, the battles of the last year — the conflicts in front of Richmond
, the retreat of our army first from their fortifications to the James river
and then from the James river
and the Peninsula
to the Rappahannock
— the repulse of our troops in their march toward Richmond
, the battles by which they covered their retreat to the Potomac
, and the general conduct and upshot of the year's campaign, have been disastrous in the highest degree to the Union
And this is known and felt to be the fact by every man of intelligence, from one end of the country to the other.
We might possibly flatter the vanity of individuals responsibly connected with the army or the Government
, if we were to shut our eyes to this palpable and unmistakable fact.
We known very well the penalty of telling unpleasant truths.
--But we know also that, in such a country as this, with such a people as ours, no good can possibly be accomplished by the systematic concealment of facts, however unpleasant, and that nothing but disaster and ruin can follow systematic misrepresentation of current events, however amiable its motives.
The best service any man, whose business it is to tell the people anything, can render them, is to tell them the truth.
And the worst service any man can render the Government
or the country, at this, the most critical instant of its fate, is to hoodwink either into the belief that the people are satisfied with the condition of affairs — that the people look upon the campaign of the past year as having been crowned by a ‘"long line of glorious victories,"’ and that they will be content to see the army handled and the Government managed for the year to come as they have been for the year that is past.
Others must select their line of duty for themselves.
We shall incur no risk of damaging the country be deceiving the Government
It is but little we can do for the salvation of the Union
-- but we can at least refuse to shut our eyes to its destruction.
We tremble to think of what may follow the successful lodgment of a rebel army on loyal soil.
We do not fear the division of the Union
, so much as the overthrow of the Government
No man of ordinary political sagacity can conceal from himself the fact that there is a deep, strong undercurrent of pelvics machination underlying all the movements of the war, and giving character and color to the developments of public opinion.
There are men North and South--men a ability, of character, of position, both civil and military — who look to the possibility of saving the Union
in other ways than by simply conquering the rebels and compelling by force their return to their allegiance.
We need not tell any one that there are men who regard this war as having been brought upon the country by the triumph of the Republican party, and who do not believe it possible to end it and preserve the Union
, until the results of that triumph are for the moment set aside, and the country has a chance to plant the Government
upon another basis.
But we can tell President Lincoln
that there are men in the army who do not believe the war will end, except by conceding the independence of the South
, unless, the Government
is again restored to Southern control or a Convention is held to form a Constitution under which both North and South can live together in a common Union.
We do not know that any officer in the army would advocate, or in any event aid the execution of such a scheme.
But we warm the President
against doing anything, directly or indirectly, by neglect or by positive acts, to encourage the development of such a sentiment, or to stimulate in any heart the toleration of such a though.
We need not warn him of the absolute necessity of crushing the growth of such treason and disloyalty in its beginnings.
But we may warn him that cannot be done by the exercise of force, but only by the display of strength on the part of the Government
What the people want is a Government adequate to the emergency — a Government strong enough to meet any danger, however great — strong in will, strong in judgment, strong in resources, and strong in the confidence and respect of the people.
's Government is not strong in any of these respects.
The country has full faith in his personal integrity, his patriotism, and his gagacity.
But it demands more than these.
It demands a Cabinet made up of men, every one of whom shall contribute strength, and courage, and power, to his Administration.
It demands a Government which will lead public sentiment, and not seek slavishly to follow it. It demands a Government capable of waging war — capable of holding up, in blazing characters before the people, the objects of the war, of feeling preluding, and or making the people feel, the spirit of the war; capable of organizing armies, of selecting and of judging Generals
, --of overruling their personal contentions, their professional jeal and making them all conducive to the common good.--capable, in a word of making out a clear and comprehensive policy suited to the emergency — of infusing its spirits into the hearts of the people, and then, with their aid, of giving it full and complete success.
This is what the people mean by a strong Government, and they regard it as the duty of the President
to give them such a one.
Upon one thing the country may rely: it is only such a Government that can maintain itself against this rebellion.
Any other will be swept away by a usurpation.
We live, it must be remembered, in a day of revolution, when violence and force give the law to national action, and when strong, bold men will throw aside forms and usages, however sacred, which stand in the way of what they may regard as the welfare of the nation, and place power in hands that are strong, however they may be stained with the blacked and most damning guilt.
Sorry appearance of the Yankee cavalry.
A Washington correspondent of the Baltimore Sun
thus writes about a regiment of Yankee cavalry.
On the avenue to-day, above the President's House
, I saw about a regiment of cavalry drawn up in line, who presented the most miserable and outre appearance I ever witnessed.
In plain phrase, they were a disgrace to themselves and to the army.--The men were hair enough in size and in healthy appearance, but in went of uniformity of equipment, in the dirt and disarray of their uniforms and accoutrements, there were all the painful evidences of absence of discipline and of inefficiency on the part of their commander, whoever he may be. --There was hardly a man who did not engage
upon his horse, instead of sitting on it scarcely two who carried their sabres alike, and certainly not one who showed a decent, presentable, soldierly appearance.
If the men looked bad their horses were worse.
Such a collection of spavined, half starved esquire never saw together before.
There was not an animal in the lot that would have sold at the choric marked for ten dollars.--the majority were only fit stock for a post defter battery.
The cavalry in our army to undoubtedly poor and it is a disgrace that it should be so. We ought certainly to have officers capable of learning the men how to care for their horses and for themselves.
As for the men whose appearance provoked these remarks, they must, in the dirt and disarray of uniform, and mounted upon such miserable animals have lost their own respect and hold their officers in contempt.
Learning men to take pride in their appearance, and to present a neat, soldierly appearance, may appear to be a very small thing, but it is the corner done of discipline and efficiency.
The Chicago Force,
of the 6th inst., leads off with the following note of despair:
The people are restless, dissatisfied, eagerly asking for hope and counsel.
They are conscious of had management in Congress, and Cabinet.
They know they have made immense sacrifices, and that success has not been commensurate with the sacrifice.
The war has assumed unexpected magnitude and proportions, and there is an unlooked for unanimity in the South
--a determination evinced to do and dare all that can be done by human courage and preservative.
The anticipations of the greater part of the North
upon the breaking out of the rebellion have been disappointed.
We relied upon the material interest that would be afforded upon the veneration of the South
for the flag and its history — upon the lies of kindred and the protection which the Government
had always extended to every just and constitutional right, for at least a division of sentiment in the South
All these have failed, and the Southern
people have fought with a daring and perseverance that in a better cause would have earned them the sympathy of the civilized world.
Our superiority in numbers and resources have as yet enabled us to make but slight progress.
In the second year of the war, when the past disclosed too much of reverse, and a heavy lead of taxation looms up in the future, the people, around and anxious, are inquiring the wherefore.
They find the answer in the fact that every theory and prophecy of rebelitionism was false.
They feel the deception, and demand a change.
The Democratic Conventions of the several States have truthfully declared the cause of and pointed out the remedy
A long and sad experiences for enlightened the people, and they anxiously turn once more to the old charts for guidance.
The instruct of self preservation leads them back to the Constitution
We are not over confident, and indulge in no hope that is not warranted by the signs of the times, when we say that the night Congress will be conservative.
Federal Union of a Confederate officer.
The Nashville Federal Union,
of the 28th ultine, gives the following account of the shooting of one of Gen. Price
's officers — another striking case for retaliation:
‘"On the 15th inst., Gen. Loan
ordered a Lieutenant in Prices army to be shot at Laclede, Mo.
, He was charged with several crimes, and among them the killing of the pilot of the White Cloud
He was once before ordered to be shot by a military commissioner in Missouri
, but escaped.
He confessed almost everything charged.
After a falling amination, he was sentenced by General Loan
to be shot to death.
After informing him of the verdict and sentence, and asking him it he had any word to leave to his friends, or anything to say he said he had not, and told them to shoot and bead — d He was led out beside his coffin and ordered to kneel, but he swore he never did kneel before the face of clay, and never would and, standing up, he received the volley, and fell dead on his coffin."’