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Northern News.

We make the following extracts from our Northern files:


Narrow escape of two Federal regiments

The New York Times states that the 13th and 25th New York regiments, about 1,300 strong, narrowly escaped being lost at sea while on their way, in the steamer Baltic, from Norfolk to New York. They had been stationed at Suffolk, but their time being up they left for home, shipping at Norfolk. The ship went aground about fifty miles South of Cape May, and was gotten off, leasing badly. Minute guns were field, and blue lights sent up at night.

Meanwhile, the troops had been detailed into gangs and reliefs of 20 men each, and, under the direction of their officers, worked incessantly at the pumps, the coal hole, and the baggage gangways. In these tolls they were cheered and assisted by the crew of the ship, who, with the zeal and skill of American seamen, gave themselves no respite all night long Hundreds of tons of coal, baggage, and commissary stores, were in this way consigned to the deep and lost. The trunks, chests, camp equipage, etc., of the officers went first, and among them everything Col. Bryan and his staff had on board.

Cheerfulness, alacrity, and courage distinguished every man in the arduous labors of a night gloomy and threatening to all. Morning came at last, and about seven o'clock two more schooners bore up for the steamer, and took off five hundred more of the troops. The transfer was difficult and dangerous in the extreme. Each man had to be lowered into the boats along side by ropes, and then as each boat was filled, the living freight was conveyed to the smaller vessels. The crews of the Baltic and the schooners manned all the boats they could launch, and the number of these alone rendered the transfer possible, as the sea, was high and brought, and each loating required a tedious time.--One schooner took 229 of the Twenty fifth and fifty of the Thirteenth and sailed, our informant thought, to Fortress Monroe, the other took 200 of the Twenty fifth, and was to make for Cape May Breakwater, where she was to send a boat ashore and telegraph to Philadelphia for assistance to the Baltic.

After this the Baltic made her way safely to New York, but one of the small vessels that took soldiers from her had not been heard of at last accounts.


Horace Greeley to Abraham Lincoln again

The editor of the New York Tribune seems disposed to continue his ill natured correspondence with Mr. Lincoln. To the Gorilla's letter he makes the following reply:

Dear Sir
--Although I did not anticipate nor seek any reply to my former letter unless through your official acts, I thank you for having accorded one, since it enables me to say explicitly that nothing was further from my thought than to impeach in any manner the sincerity or intensity of your devotion to the sayings of the Union. I have never doubted, and have no friend who doubts, that you desire, before and above all else, to re-establish the now derided authority, and vindicate the territorial integrity, of the republic. I intended to raise only this question. Do you propose to do this by recognizing obeying and enforcing the laws or by ignoring, disregarding, and, in effect, defying them!

I stand upon the law of the land. The humblest has a clear right to invoke its protection and support against even the highest. The law — in strict accordance with the law of Nations, of Nature, and of God--declares that every traitor now engaged in the infernal work of destroying our country has forfeited thereby all claim or color of right lawfully to hold human beings in slavery. I ask of you a clear and public recognition that this law is to be obeyed wherever the national authority is respected. I site to you instances wherein men fleeing from bondage to traitors to the protection of our flag have been assented, wounded, and murdered by soldiers of the Union--unpunished and unrebuked by your General Commanding — to prove that it is your duty to take action in the premises — action that will cause the law to be proclaimed and obeyed wherever your authority or that of the Union is recognized as paramount. The rebellion is strengthening, the national cause imperiled, by every hour's delay to strike treason this staggering blow.

When Fremont proclaimed freedom to the slaves of rebels, you constrained him to modify his proclamation into rigid accordance with the terms of the existing law. It was your clear right to do so. I now ask of you conformity to the principle so sternly enforced upon him, I ask you to instruct your Generals and Commodores that no loyal person — certainly none willing to render service to the national cause — is henceforth to be regarded as the slave of any traitor. While no rightful Government was ever before assailed by so wanton and wicked a rebellion as that of the slave holders against our national life, I am sure none ever before hesitated at so simple and primary an act of self-defence as to relieve those who would serve and save it from chatted servitude to those who are wading through seas of blood to subvert and destroy it. Future generations will with difficulty realize that there could have been hesitation on this point. Sixty years of general and boundless subserviency to the slave power do not adequately explain it.

Mr. President, I beseech you to open your eyes to the fact that the devotees of slavery everywhere — just as much in Maryland as in Mississippi, in Washington, as in Richmond — are to-day your enemies and the implacable foes of every effort to reestablish the national authority by the discomfiture of its assailants. Their President is not Abraham Lincoln, but Jefferson Davis. You may draft them to serve in the war; but they will only fight under the rebel flag. There is not in New York to-day a man who really believes in slavery loves it, and desires its perpetuation, who heartily desires the crushing out of rebellion. He would much rather save the Republic by buying up and pensioning off its assailants. His ‘ "Union as it was"’ is a Union of which you were not President, and no one who truly wished freedom to all ever could be.

If these are truths, Mr. President, they are surely of the gravest importance. You cannot safely approach the great and good end you so intently meditate by shutting your eyes to them. Your deadly foe is not blinded by any mist in which your eyes may be enveloped. He walks straight to his goal, knowing well his weak point, and most unwillingly betraying his fear that you too may see and take advantage of it. God grant that his apprehension may prove prophetic.

That you may not unseasonably perceive these vital truths as they will shine forth on the pages of history — that they may be read by your children irradicated by the glory of our National salvation, not rendered lurid by the blood red glow of National conflagration and ruin — that you may promptly and practically realize that slavery is to be vanquished only by liberty — is the forvest and anxious prayer of

Yours, truly.

Horace Greenly.
New York. Aug. 21, 1862.

Speech of Ex-Gov, Seymour.

Ex-Gov. Seymour, who has been nominated by the Democracy of New York as its candidate for Governor, made a speech upon his nomination, which is characterized by the New York press as ‘"benalant, eloquent and bold."’ The Herald thus reports.

After stating his unwillingness to accept the office under any other circumstances than those rendering it the duty of every man to do what was in his power to rescue the country from its present difficulties, he referred to the Democratic Convention held less than two years ago in this some ball, to exhort the dominant party to submit the first tendon Compromise" to a vote of the people in order to avert the war. Mr. Seymour then at length the course of Congress, which refused the petition of the Democracy, and traced the history of events from the first battle of Bull Run down to the pledge made by Congress to prosecute the war for the restoration of the Union and the preservation of the Constitution. He then drew a picture of the subsequent action of Congress, which clear-headed the wisdom of Solomon, ‘ "that it is an honor to a man to cease from strife, but a fool will be meddling"’ He alluded to the assaults made by Republican journals on the Administration, which administration they charged with incompetency, corruption and unfaithfulness.

He showed how the course of Congress had tended to unite the South and distract the North, for the Republican party had evinced a spirit of insubordination towards the Administration of its own creating. He reminded the Republican party that slavery was not the only thing in the Constitution, the overthrow of which would bring untold misery and suffering on the country. He argued that although the Republicans were not intentionally dishonest they were not fitted to carry on the Government. They approved of the formation of impertinent madding committees, who push them selves into the very councils of our rulers. They propose to organize men outside of the authority of law and the constituted authorities. For one, he (Mr. Seymour) spurned such committees, and would resist such illegal, revolutionary organizations, if need be, by force. While he admitted that there were loyal men in the body of the Republican party, its leaders were dangerous and unwise men, and in its present situation it could not save the country. Mr. Seymour then stated the position of the Democratic party. They had and they would continue to loyally support the laws and authorities of the country.

They would give the President all the men he called for to uphold the Government, execute the laws, put down the rebellion, and gain an honorable and lasting peace. The Democratic party had been and would be loyal and obedient to the laws and Constitution of their country, not from fear, but patriotism. He warned, he implored the Republicans not to mistake the patriotism of the Democracy for fear. The Democratic party had hearts and arms strong enough to sweep away the cobweb system of terrorism and threats which seemed to be held over the heads of the people. The security of the public is in the loyalty and intelligence of that party, and upon that party the Government can at all times rely. The President has been far less embarrassed by Democrats than by Republicans. Mr. Seymour concluded by saying that the Democracy were confident in their cause, for they were battling for the Union, the Constitution, and the laws.


Magoffin's letter of resignation.

The following is the letter of the Governor of Kentucky, resigning his position as Governor of Kentucky. Weary of being longer a witness to all manner of tyranny perpetrated by the might of the strong arm of the military, he resigns his position and entrusts the cares of the Government to a more pliant tool of the Washington cabinet:

Executive Department, August 16, 1862,
To the Senate and House by Representatives.
Having felt for a long time that there did not exist between myself and a large majority of the Legislature that unanimity of sentiment and opinion as to the true policy of the State, so important in the present crisis, I have felt it to be my duty to aid, by every means in my power, to promote domestic harmony, and endeavor to prevent the most dreadful of all calamities, intestine strife and civil war among the people of Kentucky, and at the same time to protect, as far as possible, the rights and liberties of the minority, who differ in their political views from the majority. Knowing that, in my position as Governor, I was unable either to avert or control any attempted usurpation of unauthorized authority, I expressed my willingness, some days ago, when written to by a distinguished member of the dominant party, to resign my present position, if assurance would be given that all efforts would be made to secure to the people the great ends I so much desired, and a gentleman selected to fill my position whose record and history would afford a guarantee that these objects would be effected, or, so far, as practicable, be secured. The action of the Legislature to day, in the selection of the distinguished Senator from Scott county, has given me a satisfactory assurance that all will be done to protect and secure the minority in their rights under the Constitution, and to all the people of Kentucky their rights of life, liberty, and property, to protect which Government were instituted among men. Feeling assured, from that act, and the individual assurances of many of the distinguished members of the dominant party in the Legislature, that the ends I so urgently seek to attain will be carried out, I hereby resign my position as Governor of Kentucky, to take effect on Monday next, August 18th, at 10 o'clock A. M., and I now tender to my distinguished and very able successor my best wishes for the success of his administration, in the hope he will be more successful than I have been in protecting all classes of the citizens of my native and still dearly beloved State in their rights under the Constitution and laws, to which I have faithfully endeavored to adhere, and in promoting the general welfare.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

B. Macoffin.

The contrast.

[From the Albany (N. Y.) Atlas.] At a public meeting in New Hampshire, Senator Hale of that State is reported to have said: ‘"I may be ordered to Fort Warren for the expression I am about to make, but I do not hesitate to declare that there is nothing that can parallel the exhibition of ability, vigor and resource shown by the Confederate Government, except the incapacity and imbecility of our own."’ Senator Hale has not yet been sent to Fort Warren, and will not be. That place is reserved for Democrats, who, at some former day, may have offended a Cabinet officer, and who are badgered with false charges of disloyalty now.

What is the secret of the contrast between rebel efficiency and governmental helplessness? When the Confederate Government was organized, the opposition was at once associated in the administration. Stephens, who ran with Douglas, was made Vice President. A Cabinet of all parties was constructed. When Cabinet officers were proved insufficient, they were dismissed. Laggart Generals were cashiered, deserters shot, peculators punished. The South was organized on a war basis.

President Lincoln, on the other hand, made up his Cabinet out of the dead-wood of the Chicago Convention. Seward, Chase, Cameron, Bates, were all his rivals, and enemies of each other — all disappointed and rejected men! These worn-out politicians had their followers to provide for; and they fed them upon the plunder of the treasury — upon the commissariat of the army — upon the spoils of patronage. In the crisis the first battle of Bull Run, the President was engaged in settling paltry claims of partisans to post-offices; and, fourteen months later, when Washington was in hourly danger of capture, was busy making up partisan lists of Tax Collectors, and Assessors — selecting them upon occasion from the exposed and condemned shoddy contractors.

One Army, at a conjuncture when the fortunes of the whole contest were depending upon it, has been sacrificed to political jealousies. Another General whose name has always been associated with defeat has been kept in command by the Nepotism of Cabinet ministers! All the while the energies of the Government have been directed against the press, or the free discussion of citizens, or to seconding the private revenges and political hates of men who have secretly instigated accusations against their neighbors. Never on so great an occasion had an administration confined itself to such paltry objects!

But did not Mr. Lincoln preface his inaugural oath by the declaration that he considered the decision of the Supreme Court, in regard to the subject of slavery, as not binding upon him; while he felt bound to obey the instructions of the Chicago platform? A stream never rises higher than its fountain; nor an administration, than its head.

All this while the people have placed in the hands of the President, at Washington, unlimited resources of men and money, arms, ships, and public credit.

It is customary to say in excuse for the present state of affairs that the Confederacy has exhibited unexpected resources. True; but has not the North shown a power and wealth of means equally surprising? We have raised armies such as Europe never equalled; navies which have never been surpassed in extent or in the use of modern improvements of warfare. We have spent money at a rate that startles the most extravagant schemers of the Old World. There is not an invention of war.--plated ship, mammoth gun, marine ram, ærial telegraph, balloon of reconnaissance, diving ball, or pontoon — which we have not had. No army ever marched, no navy ever sailed with such pay or provision or armament as ours.

We stood as immeasurably above our adversaries in resources on the last day's battle at Bull Run as a year ago. We are now as far above them as at any time, if we had men in charge of public affairs capable of handling there resources. There, and there alone, the contrast lies between ourselves and our adversaries.


Union troops near Norfolk.

The New York Times states that the Union force at and between Norfolk and Suffolk amounts to between 8,000 and 9,000 men, consisting of the 3d and 4th New York, the 1st Delaware, and the 31st illinois infantry regiments, and the 11th Pennsylvania cavalry, all stationed at Suffolk. The 13th Illinois has seen severe service, and the 11th Pennsylvania cavalry, under Lieutenant Colonel Spear, is spoken of very highly. In addition to these, there were near Suffolk the New York Mounted Ritles, Capt. Howard's battery of the 4th United States artillery, and the three regiments composing Gen. Ferry's brigade, which has just arrived from the Peninsula, where it formed part of General McClellan's late army. At Norfolk there were the 99th New York and a Wisconsin regiment.

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