The emancipation proclamation.
Lincoln on his proclamation — the Absurdity of issuing one--the
Pope's Bull against the comet —
Lincoln fears to trust his slaves.
A public meeting of ‘"Christians of all denomination,"’ was held at
Chicago on the 7th inst., and a memorial in favor of ‘"national emancipation"’ adopted, and a committee sent to
Washington to lay it before the
President.
On the 13th
Lincoln received them, and listened with ‘"fixed attention"’ to the reading of the memorial, and also to the reading of a similar document signed by the German citizens of
Chicago.
The committee thus officially report the result of their efforts and the
President's answer:
The President's answer — Divine Revelations.
The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months.
I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps, in some respects, both.
I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that, if it is probable that God would reveal His will to others on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of
Providence in this matter.
And if I can learn what it is I will do it. These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct revelation.
I must study the plain, physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right.
Differences of opinion on the subject.
The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree.
For instance, the other day four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York called, as a delegation, on business connected with the war; but before leaving two of them earnestly beset me to proclaim general emancipation, upon which the other two immediately attacked them.--You know, also, that the last session of Congress had a divided majority of anti-slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy.
And the same is true of the religions people.
Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expecting God to favor their side; for one of our soldiers, who had been taken prisoner, told
Senator Wilson a few days since, that he met with nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their prayers.
But we will talk over the merits of the case.
Why an emancipation proclamation should not be issued.
What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated?
I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the
Pope's ball against the comet.
Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the
Constitution in the rebel States?
Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there?
And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines?
Yes I cannot learn that law has caused a single slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced, by a proclamation of freedom from me, to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them?
How can we feel and care for such a multitude?
General Butler wrote me, a few days since that he was issuing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white troops under his command.
They eat, and that is all; though it is true
General Butler is feeding the whites also by the thousands, for it nearly amounts to a famine there.
What is to prevent the rebels from Enslaving the Negroes again?
If, now, the pressure of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again? --for I am told that whenever the rebels take any blacks a prisoners, free or slaves, they immediately auction them off. They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground on the
Tennessee river a few days ago.
And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it. For instance, when, after the late battles at and near
Bull Run, an expedition went out from
Washington under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into slavery,
Horace Greeley said in his paper that the
Government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do?
What good would an emancipation proclamation do?
Now, then tell me, if you please what possible
result of good would follow the of such a proclamation as you desire?
Understand, I raise no objection against it on legal or grounds; for, as
Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best the enemy.
Nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of and massacre at the
South.
I view the matter as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it offer to the suppression of the rebellion.
The reply of the Delegation.
Thus invited, your delegation very willingly made reply to the following effect.
It being understood that a portion of the remarks were intermingled by the way of conversation with those of the
President just given:
We observed (taking up the
President's ideas in order) that good man indeed differed in their opinions on this subject, nevertheless the truth was somewhere, and it was a matter of solemn moment for him to ascertain it; that we had not been so wanting in respect alike to ourselves and to him as to come a thousand miles to bring merely our opinion to be set over against the opinion of other partial that the memorial contained facts principles and arguments, which appealed to the intelligence of the
President and to his faith in Divine Providence; that he could that the
Bible denounced oppression as one of the highest of crimes, and threatened Divine judgment against nations that practice it; that our country had been exceedingly guilty in this respect, both at the North and South; that our just punishment has come by a slaveholders rebellion; that the virus of secession is found wherever the virus of slavery extends and no further; so that there is the amplest reason for expecting to avert Divine judgments by putting away the sin, and for hoping to remedy the national troubles by striking at their cause.
We observed, further, that we the probability, and even the certainty, that God would reveal the path of duty to the
President, as well as to others; provided he sought to learn it in the appointed way; but as, according to his own remark.
Providence wrought by means and not miraculously, it might be God would use the suggestions and arguments of other minds to secure that result.
We felt the deepest personal interest in the matter as of national concern, and by communicating the convictions of the
Christian community from which we came, with the ground upon which they were based.
That it was true he could not now enforce the
Constitution at the
South; but we should see in that fact no reason whatever for not proclaiming emancipation, but rather the contrary.
The two appealed to different classes; the latter would aid and, in truth, was necessary, to re- establish the former and the two could be made operative together, as fast as our armies fought their way southward; while we had yet to hear that he proposed to abandon the
Constitution because of the present difficulty of enforcing it.
As to the inability of Congress to agree on this policy at the late session, it was quite possible, in view of subsequent events, there might be more unanimity at another meeting.
The members have met their constituents, and learned of marvelous conversions to the wisdom of emancipation, especially since late reverses have awakened thought as to the extreme peril of the nation, and made bad men as well as good men realize that we have to deal with God in this master.
Men of the most opposite previous views were now uniting in calling for this measure.
That to proclaim emancipation would secure the sympathy of
Europe and the whole civilized world, which now saw no other reason for the strife than national pride and ambition, an unwillingness to abridge our domain and power.
No other step would be so potent to prevent foreign intervention.
Further, more, it would send a thrill through the entire
North, firing every patriotic heart, giving the people a glorious principle for which to suffer and to fight, and assuring them that the work was to be so thoroughly done as to leave our country free forever from danger and disgrace in this quarter.
We added that, when the proclamation should become widely known (as the law of Congress has not been) it would withdraw the slaves from the rebels, leaving them without laborers, and giving us both laborers and soldiers.
That the difficulty experienced by
General Butler and other
Generals arose from the fact that half-way measures could never avail.
It is the inherent vice of half-way measures that they create as many difficulties as they remove.
It is folly merely to receive and feed the slaves.
They should be welcomed and fed, and then, according to
Paul's doctrine, that they who eat must work, be made to labor and to fight for their liberty and ours.
With such a policy the blacks would be no encumbrance, and their rations no waste.
In this respect we should follow the ancient maxim and learn of the enemy.
What the rebels most fear is what we should be most prompt to do, and what they most fear is evident from the hot haste with which, on the first day of the present session of the rebel Congress, bills were introduced threatening terrible vengeance if we used the black; in the war.
The President's Rejoinder — Lincoln would not like to trust his slaves with arms.
I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion or at least its
sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but the would have been impotent without slavery as the instrument.
I will also concede that emancipation would help us in
Europe, and convince them the we are incited by something more than ambition I grant further that it would help somewhat at North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine.
Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war. And then unquestionably it would weaken rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is great importance.
But I am not sure we could much with the blacks.
If we were to arm them, I fe that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands the rebels; and, indeed, thus far we have not h arms enough to equip our white troops.
Mr. Lincoln has fears for the Border slave States.
I will mention another thing, though it n only your scorn and contempt.
There are thousand bayonets in the Union armies from border slave States.
It would be a serious ma if, in consequence of a proclamation such as desire, they should go over to the rebels. do not think they would — not so many deed as a year ago, or as six months ago — no many to-day as yesterday.
Every day incre their Union feeling.
They are also getting pride enlisted, and want to beat the rebels.
me say one thing more — I think you should that we already have an important principle to ly and unite the people in the fact that constitutional government is at stake.
This is a fundam idea, going down about as deep as anything.
Another reply from the Delegation — a Vernation.
We answered that, being fresh from the pe we were naturally more hopeful than himself the necessity and probable effect of such a proclamation The value of constitutional government is indeed a grand idea for which to contend the people know that nothing else has put constitutional government in danger but slavery; the toleration of that aristocratic and despoilment among our free institutions was the inc ency that nearly wrought our ruin and caused free government to appear a failure before world; and, therefore, the people demand empation to preserve and perpetuate constitutional government.
Our idea would thus be found; deeper than this and to be armed with corresponding power.
Mr. Lincoln.--Yes, that is the true ground difficulties.
Delegation.--That a proclamation of emancipation, giving ‘"Liberty and Union"’ national watchword, would rouse the people rally them to his support beyond anything y -- appealing alike to conscience, senti and hope.
He must remember, too, that pr manifestations are no index of what would take place.
If the leader will but utter a tr call, the nation will respond with patriotic No one can tell the power of the right word the right man to develop the latent fire and siasm of the masses.
Mr. Lincoln.--I know it.
Delegation.--That good sense must, of course exercised in drilling, arming, and using black as as white troops, to make them efficient; and th a scarcity of arms, it was at least worthy quiry whether it were not wise to place a po of them in the hands of those nearest to the se the rebellion, and able to strike the deadliest That, in case of a proclamation of emancips we had no fear of serious injury from the dese of Border State troops.
The danger was gr diminished, as the
President had admitted.
let the desertions what they might, the incr spirit of the
North would replace them two to One State alone, if necessary, would compe the loss, were the whole fifty thousand to jo enemy.
The struggle has gone too far, and too much treasure and blood, to allow of a pa settlement.
Let the line be drawn at the same between freedom and slavery and between loy and treason.
The sooner we know who are enemies the better.
In bringing our interview to a close, after hour of earnest and frank discussion of which foregoing is a specimen,
Mr. Lincoln remarked ‘"Do not misunderstand me, because I have tioned these objections.
They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in such way as you desire.
I have not decided aga a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold matter under advisement.
And I can assure that the subject is on my mind, by day and nig more than any other.
Whatever shall appear be God's will I will do. I trust that, in the freedo with which.
I have canvassed your views, I have not in any respect injured your feelings."’
We assured him that he had not, and express our hope that, in honest endeavors to express defend our convictions, we had not been wa in due respect for our
Chief Magistrate. him farewell, we commended him to the gr guidance of God, having faith that, if the memor and our added interview had thrown into trembling scales but a single grain of truth the might aid in the preponderance of justice and humanity, our mission would not prove to be in va
