From the North.
We continue our summary of Northern news from papers of the 8th:
The row in Boston — Sumner's speech — Train's statement of the affair.
After the row at Fannill Hall in
Boston, Monday night, the
Republican meeting to have been held on Tuesday night was postponed.
Sumner's speech as reported in the papers is the same old diatribe against slavery.
On the subject of the proclamation he said:
‘
Loyalty did not depend upon color.
Help from the slaves was constitutional, and justified by historical precedents.
An appeal to the slaves should be tried, and he believed that such an appeal would be effectual.
The slaves would be encouraged and the masters discouraged by a panic among them — The various objections to the proclamation of
President Lincoln to liberals the slaves, were that the
Border States officers would throw down their arms; that side issues would arise; that there would be slave insurrections, and that the slaves would overflow the
South.
These questions were considered by him, and he appealed to his audience if he had not answered them.
He believed that success could only be obtained through the emancipation of the slaves, as without a fire in their rear, a united people could not be conquered.
The proclamation, he continued, was a herald of peace, and emancipation the best general.
Force alone could not conquer without ideas, and for the sake of peace he now plead for freedom.
If the instincts of freedom did not prompt the support of emancipation, the command of the Almighty, to ‘"Let His people go free,"’ should have an effect.
The conclusion that he (
Sumner) came to was, that by emancipation the war was changed in its character but not in its object, and that it was a war for all mankind.
’
The following is an ‘"extra"’ issued by Train, a short time after he was incarcerated in the police station, giving his account of the affair:
Police Station no. 2,
Boston, Oct. 6--2½ P. M.
Seeing a public notice inviting the citizens of
Boston to Fannill Hall to-day, at twelve o'clock, I went to hear
Mr. Sumner and others speak, (being myself a native of
Boston and a citizen of
Massachusetts.) I listened to
Mr. Sumner for two hours. He challenged any one to confute his statements.--Some few having interrupted the speaker, and attention being apparently directed to
Mr. Train, he called
Mr. Sumner to witness that he was not interrupting the meeting.
‘"I know,"’ said
Mr. Sumner, ‘"that it is not you,
Mr. Train; you would not do such a thing."’ Supposing that other speakers would be invited to the platform, I did not step forward, although hundreds were calling ‘"Train, Train"’ I was annoyed to find the meeting cut and dried.
Annoyed to find that liberty was only for the black man and not for the white man. Annoyed to see
Boston in slavery,
Massachusetts in chains.
The meeting having adjourned, I knew that in all civilized assembles it was quite in order to elect another chairman and hold another meeting.
I stepped upon the platform, or rather jumped over the railing — as the packed jury shoved me off the staircase and blocked the way. Seeing angry eyes behind me and hostile demonstrations from the enslaved committee around
Mr. Sumner, and being somewhat acquainted with the art of self- defence, while the audience was cheering in front, I kept on my guard by looking behind.
I call the audience to witness that I struck no blow, touched no man, made no hostile movement.
When two or three took hold of me, I shook them off and put myself on defence.
I was good for a few of the miserable poltroons who would strike a single man, but when dozens rushed upon me, striking me right and left, and three different hands were lifting me from the floor by the hair of my head, at the same time, it was difficult for me to reach the stage.
I, however, did so over the fallen bodies of several, four times, when the officers of the law took me in charge.
Respecting the law, I gave myself up, and, although in charge of two policemen, the miserable cowards struck me, tore open my shirt, and held me over the staircase by the hair of my head, when I should have fallen over thirty feet on the iron stairs had I not rescued myself by holding on to the railing.
Cries of ‘"Kill him, the damned white man — smash his head — knock him down,"’ accompanied by acts of violence, followed me into the street.
The policemen seemed too excited or unable wholly to protect me from this most respectable committee, who say that free speech is the chief plank of the free soil platform.
Speech of Cassius M. Clay on the proclamation.
In New York, Tuesday night, at the Academy of Music, after a red-hot speech from
Gen. Duryea,
Major General Cassius M. Clay, of the U. S. Army, addressed the meeting.
We make a few extracts from his speech, as reported:
‘
He confessed that, as a military measure, he had never placed much importance on a decree of emancipation; but this he did know, that the rebels and their sympathizers did. Look at the curses, the impotent rage manifested at the
South, and then say whether they consider it a
brutum fulmen, a useless thing or no. These men who would have the
Union as it was say that the thing is unconstitutional.
Ah! have they at last shown some respect for that sacred instrument?
(Applause.) These servile tools of a despotic power have at last grown conscientious about the
Constitution!
Those who formed the
Government did not speak of the independent sovereignties of
South Carolina or
Virginia, did they?
What were the great powers of sovereignty?
The power of making war and peace, making treaties, issuing coin, keeping armies and navies. &c., did not belong to the people of
South Carolina, or
Virginia, but belonged to us, ‘"the people of the
United States."’ When the
South assumed those powers, and levied war upon the
Government, where were then your
Seymour and these men who denounce the proclamation?
(Applause; cries of ‘"Where were they?"’ ‘ "Hit them again."’) He claimed that all the acts of the
President were in accordance with the spirit of the
Constitution of the United States.
It was complained that the
habeas corpus act had been suspended; but did not the
Constitution say that it should not be suspended, except in case of invasion or rebellion, and he asked would it be said that there was no rebellion?
(A voice--‘"That's the talk."’) The President had the power to do as he had done, and if a precedent was wanted they would make this the precedent forever.
So far from finding fault with
Abraham Lincoln, he rather found fault with him that he had not suspended the
habeas corpus, not by a dash of the pen, but by the rope round the necks of these traitors.
’
A voice--‘"We'll hang them yet."’
Mr. Clay--‘"Yes, sir, the hanging of such men as
Seymour and
Wood would have saved thousands of honest lives."’
Mr. Clay--That is true philanthropy.
(Applause and laughter.) Go to the battle-field and you find thousands of brave and generous men sinking into the grave through the action of this rebellion, and yet there is no cry about the
Constitution being violated by the
South.
Life, liberty and property had been sacrificed, and yet these men are silent about it; but when we defend ourselves against these plotters and scoundrels, and seek to defend the life of the nation, we are told it is unconstitutional.
Why, would we confiscate all other sorts of property and refuse to touch slavery?
So far as these slaves are property — putting the question on the low material basis — we have as much right to say to these slaves, ‘ "Run for it,"’ as we have to take the horses and mules who draw the cannon of the rebels.
But when we put the question upon a higher basis much better right have we to say to these men. ‘"Defend yourselves and fight for you liberties"’ (Applause)
Mr. Lincoln, in the charity of his heart, which is a large one, and the strength of his intellect, which is a great one--he is both great hearted and great needed-- (applause)--had said to these slave-holders, ‘"I would that you would be persuaded to do right.
Liberate your slaves, return to our family circle; we will share our last dollar with you, and you will be none the worse for being magnanimous and just"’ The rebels had ninety days to decide upon his offer.
Let them return to their allegiance and be saved.
They had ninety days to do it in. If New York should in the fortune of this struggle be threatened with the terrors of war, the women and children might perhaps have one hour or six hours given them to seek a place of safety.--But these rebels get ninety days to prepare themselves and to avoid the evil.
They may send their women and children into the possessions of their allies, the
English.
(Hisces) Was not time enough given to them?
How much more did they want?--How would the proclamation affect the nation in the matter of foreign intervention?
He had precious little confidence in the aristocracy, the ruling classes of
England, whether the
Government was against slavery or for slavery.
The English people had hitherto evinced great hostility to slavery, and he had supposed that there would be but one sentiment in the
British islands, and that sentiment would be for the
Union and perpetuity of these States.
But what were the facts?
There was no response in the
British heart to the appeals of the
American people
Mr. Adams had landed in
England on Monday, and the next day, before he could have an audience of the
Queen, the proclamation of neutrality was issued, in other words, acknowledging
de facto the independence of the rebels, even before a single battle was fought.
Earl Russell had lately said in the House of Lords, in reply to
Mr. Bright, that the acknowledgment of the
Southern republic would be nothing unless they interfered by the war power in support of the
South--that they had already done all they could for the
South.
So, whether the nation stood with slavery or against slavery, it made no difference with the
British aristocracy.
The truth was that the
English aristocracy desired and were glad to welcome such a state of things, in order that they might establish for themselves a new ground for the production of cotton, and so be independent of the
South.
The great republic had been a perpetual thorn in the sides of the aristocracy; and that same influence would keep
England against us to the last.
She intended war against us at the time of the
Trent affair.
He said that, because the dispatch of
Mr. Seward, assuring the
British Government that the
United States would do whatever was right in the matter was kept a secret in
England, and the
Government organs denied that it was received.
Bull Run
Russell had written home that the
American people were a mob, and that the
Government dare not give up
Mason and Slidel.
Therefore, that dispatch was kept a secret, and the
British aristocracy expected they would have a chance of going to war with the
United States.
But the laboring classes of
England did sympathize with this, country, and did hope that the American Union would be preserved.
The President's proclamation would reach them; would reach
Scotland; would reach
Ireland, and it would bring to them hopes of a better future, and make them so far for us that the
British aristocracy dare not strike a blow in such a cause.
(Applause.)
How about
France?
The French people were bound to us by common ties and glorious antecedents; and if ever the time should come when the Stars and Stripes and the
British flag should meet on the battle-field, the
French tricolor would float side by side with the
American flag.
(Applause, A voice: ‘"That's so,"’) There was in the
French army and people a desire to blot out the dishonor heaped upon them in the past by
England.
The
French Emperor stood upon his own fixed policy, and that was, that the
American Government had given no cause for interference, and that the
French Government would not interfere unless such cause was given.
That was
Napoleon's own declaration; and yet it had been over and over again stated that
Napoleon had proposed to
England to interfere.
Earl Russell himself had been compelled today, however, that no nation had proposed to the
English Government to interfere in the affairs of the
American people.
But some people saw cause for suspicion in the
French expedition to
Mexico, and thought
Napoleon was going to establish a monarchy there.
He (
Mr. Clay) did not believe anything of the kind; and
Napoleon had himself declared, in a letter to one of his
Generals, that all he wanted to do was to vindicate French arms and French honor.
But, at all events, the proclamation of emancipation made it forever impossible that
Napoleon should draw his sword in defence of
African slavery.
Another European Power--
Russia--(applause) had, at all risks, with a sublime courage, just struck the bonds from more than twenty millions of men, (Applause) Alexander II.
was the man to whom we should have looked.
We had trusted to him, and he had not deceived us. Again and again had the
Emperor of
Russia declared to him, in a frank and manly manner, ‘ "Be assured that you will always find me true to the
United States of American"’ (Applause) At home and abroad there was no objection to the proclamation of
Abraham Lincoln.
But let us not have, I pray you the
Union as it was. What was it to me?
With all your declarations of human rights it made me — though born a citizen of the
Republic — a slave.--The scars which I bear upon my person are proofs that while slavery exists there is not, and there cannot be, any true liberty.
(Applause) The Union as it was!
What did it bring, notwithstanding all your forbearance, but rebellion and bloodshed, war and desolation?
And will not the same tree produce the same fruit?
How better will it be when it shall return with renewed strength, and when such men as I, and
Colonel Hamilton, who lately addressed you--(Cheers)--and
Andrew Johnson, and all that class of men shall have become extinct?
I declare to you, as my opinion, that if this Union shall be restored, with slavery infect and unextinguished, henceforth and forever there will be but one party in the
South.
There will be no more division into a Union party and a Southern party; but there will be an undivided despotism.
Give us the
Constitution as it is, the
Constitution as our fathers made it, and the
Union as our fathers intended that it should be — a Union of free men. --Said
James Madison: ‘"I put not again the word
Slavin the
Constitution, because when this institution shall have ceased to exist, then let the memory of it also be forever banished from our records"’--(Applause) There is but one peace — that is the peace of justice.
There is but one secure basis of liberty and union — that is the unity of a common love of humanity, and the true and faithful, open, avowed, manly declaration of our fathers again reiterated, that ‘"all men are created free and equal, entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."’ (Applause) What a grand destiny-awaits us thirty-three States and about as many millions.
Before many a man and woman who listens to me to night shall have gone to their last resting place, there will be a hundred millions of freemen bound together under a common flag and a common principle.
Whose heart does not expand, whose intellect does not brighten, whose aspirations do not go up to the great and good God that that consummation may be perfected, that we may be one people, that there may prevail, not only over all this continent, but over the whole world, ‘"liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable."’
Mr. Clay resumed his seat amid tumultuous applause.
There was an open-air meeting outside of the Academy, which was addressed by
Mr. H. B. Stanton and others.
How the rebels receive the proclamation.
The New York
Times, of the 7th, thinks the next three months will test the firmness, the nerve, of the Administration, as it has never been tested before.
The President has issued the proclamation of emancipation, which is to go into effect on the 1st of January next.
The
Times says:
‘
There were those who fancied that it would be utterly without effect upon the rebels; that they would feel themselves so secure behind the bayonets of their armies, so confident of the willing obedience of their slaves and of their power to enforce obedience among them, if necessary, that they would only laugh at the proclamation as an impotent penance, and at the
President for thus sitting as Glint
Pope in Pilgrim's Progress sat, ‘"grinning and biting his nails"’ at the pilgrims who went by in safety.
Others have said that the only effect of it would be to make the rebels issue an edict of immediate emancipation, in order to forestial us, and save for themselves the power which emancipation is sure to bring in this struggle to him who confers it.--But we have never seen any I kelihood of either of these things; and thought it is too soon to speak positively of results, yet thus far the manner in which the rebels have received the proclamation indicates neither result, but the contrary.
So far from being received with indifference, or with ‘"rears of laughter,"’ as the proclamation calling out 75,000 men was received by them, it has been the signal for a burst of rage which will be remark able in history.
Every rebel newspaper exploded into curses and threats.
The fountains of billingsgate could not flow fast enough for them, but choked up from the fullness of their rage.
The subject was immediately brought up also in the rebel Congress, and a resolution offered that retaliation be at once resorted to, in order ‘"to secure its withdrawal or arrest its execution."’
And so far from turning their thoughts towards emancipation, they have thus far only breathed out threatening and slaughter, not only against us, but also against the slaves.
Their thoughts have turned to extermination instead of counter-emancipation.
These threats of retaliation will, as we said, test the firmness of the
Administration's nerve; and if we were to judge of the future by the past, we should fear that they would be too much for it — How was it with the privateers?
We tried them for violations of the law. They had all their rights secured to them, and were legally convicted before a jury of their countrymen.
The rebels resorted to retaliation, as they called it: that is, without form or ceremony, they threw our gallant men into dungeons, and threatened to kill them if the just sentence of the law was executed on our part.
Instead of seizing retaliation as really our weapon to meet their throat and overpower it, the Administration left it in the hands of the rebels, and finally yielded the point, released convicted felons from the fate which justly awaited them, and gave them into he hands of their rejoicing fellows.
We can understand the feelings which led the Administration to do so. The entreaties of friends are hard to resist, and they carried the day; but it may well be that the tender heartiness was mistaken, and has been the cause, in the long run, of more suffering and misery than a sterner policy would have produced.
The same course was again pursued in reference to the officers of
Gen. Pope's army, not, however, with as complete success,--and the same course will be adopted again in reference to this emancipation policy.
The rebels know that it is fatal to them, and they will strive by every exhibition of ferocity and cruelty ‘"to secure its withdrawal or arrest its execution."’ They must not succeed.--The President has ‘"put his foot down"’ firmly.
He must keep it down.
Tenderheartedness is out of the question.
It will only be the cause of untold and prolonged miseries.
As it is, the struggle may be fierce, but it cannot be long.
But any change in policy will be hailed as a sign of weakness by our foes at home and our maligners abroad.
Nothing would so much encourage the rebels as their being able to ‘"secure the withdrawal"’ of that proclamation.
They would wade through seas of blood to secure it. There is no atrocity which would be too great for them.
We shall not follow them in their downward career.--Let them, if they choose, determine to kill every man of ours who falls into their hands.
We shall not kill our prisoners on that account; but our men will fight better for it. When ‘"no quarter"’ is the rebels battle cry, we shall have no more
Harper's Ferry surrenders.
Our soldiers will not falter; our columns will not be checked in their onward career by all the fury and all the atrocity which the rebels may exhibit.
We hope that the Administration on its part will show a corresponding firmness, and that its only answer to the furious menaces and barbarous deeds of the rebels will be ‘ "Push on the columns — Liberty and Union now and forever!"’
’
A Choppier on the Habeas corpus suspension — it is more important to the North than the emancipation proclamation is to the South--its liberty in Danger.
The unmistakable signs of an uprising again
Lincoln's administration and their acts, give importance to all expressions of opinion from journals of a representative character.
The New York
World which is the organ of the
Seymour party, in an editorial on the proclamation suspending the
habeas corpus act, says:
‘
We cannot but hope that the
President no more seriously expected to abolish liberty at the
North by his proclamation of September 20, than to abolish slavery at the
South by his proclamation of Sept. 18. We say this less for the sake of liberty than for the sake of
Mr. Lincoln.
The immortal interests of freedom are secured by divine guarantees which do not and cannot surround the reputation of any merely mortal man, and it is because we believe the
President of the
United States to be fully aware of this momentous truth that we must assume his proclamation of the 20th September to have proceeded, like its predecessor, not from any inward motion of his own mind, but from an external pressure, the immediate source of which can scarcely be considered a matter of speculation.
Mr. Lincoln has risked the exasperation to madness of nine millions of revolted
Americans for the purpose of proving to the conservatives of the
North that the
South will hear of no compromise, and to the radicals of the
North that if they insist on setting free the slave of the
South they must fall to work themselves sword in hand.
Perhaps he may have thought it worth while to startle the land from
Maine to
Minnesota with one loud alarum of military despotism, in order to convince
Mr. Secretary at War Stanton that there are limits even to the credulity and patient of loyal American citizens; that there are bounds which cannot be safely transgressed even by the audacious aspirations of the politician who could lift himself upon the favor of
Mr. Buchanan into the confidence of
Mr. Buchanan's successor.
It will be well for
Mr. Stanton to consider the lesson learned, without unduly stimulating the teacher to enforce it. The interval between the present day and that of the impending State election cannot be more unprofitably spent by that official, than in attempting to execute the proclamation of September, 20, in the sense put upon it by his war associates of the extreme radical party.
It is claimed by some of these persons, and by presses in their interest, that every act of the
Federal Government is at present to be regarded as a ‘"war measure,"’ and that any unfavorable criticism upon any act of the
Federal Government may therefore be property, viewed and trashed as evidence of ‘"disloyalty, "’ to be punished and suppressed.
We desire to see issue distinctly joined upon this claim.--In the name, not exactly of twenty hypothetical millions, but of thousands and hundreds of thousands of loyal
Americans ready with their treasure and their life to uphold the national honor and to protect the national rights, we declare that it is the solemn duty of every intelligent American citizen to sit in judgment upon the conduct of this Government, which exists for his advantage and service, in the prosecution of this war which is waging for his interests and his rights.
The pretence that enlistments are to be discouraged, and that the national front against the rebels is to be weakened by the freest discussion on the platform and at the polls of the course and policy of the Administration, is as shallow as it is impertinent.--American citizens enlist in this war, we beg
Mr. Stanton to understand, not because they know or care anything about him, the casual
Secretary of an elective
President, but because they love their country and are determined to aid in rescuing it from a great and terrible peril in the only way in which it can be rescued — by the intelligent, independent devotion of its sons.
The American people acknowledge no divine inspiration in their rulers.
Were
Mr. Stanton himself tomorrow dismissed to the repose of private life, we presume he would not be likely to abstain from all comment upon the course of the
Government which had deprived itself of his services.
If the
Government wishes to see how enlistments can really be discouraged, and the national front really weakened in this war, it has only to silence criticism by force, and to attempt to impose upon a free people, in the form of executive edicts, great measures of war and State which its putty requires it to submit to popular discussion and to the final decision of the popular voice.
Here, for instance, is a proclamation of the
President, which, if it have any effect at all, is destined to revolutionize the social order of thirteen States of the
Union, and to impress upon the history of the continent the most momentous impulses it has ever received.
Will any man dare to say that a decree for the abolition of slavery and the liberation of four millions of slaves, is a simple ‘"war measure."’ to be accepted as calmly and with as little question as the appointment of a particular General to a particular command?
The pretension is monstrous.
Who shall fathom all the possible consequences of such a ‘"war measure" ’ as this?
It may bring the war to an immediate, glorious, and happy termination, or it may prolong the war for years and plunge half the continent into anarchy.
It may liberate the slaves and reform the social constitution of the
South.
It may on the other hand, rivet the chains a hundred fold more firmly upon the bondsmen and fortify the institutions which degrade the masses of the race which holds him in bondage.
All these alternatives are possible.
We have
Mr. Lincoln's own words for it that he regards them all as possible, and that his proclamation is substantially the statement of a dilemma, not the elucidation of a difficulty.
Are we to take
Mr. Stanton's or
Mr. Chase's opinion upon these grave matters as final?
Is either of these gentlemen to be regarded as the depository of the will of God in relation to the
American slave?
Again,
Mr. Lincoln resolves such a notion into thin air by assuring us that, in his own experience, he has found the will of God, as represented by two lawyers, to be a very different thing from the will of God as represented by two bankers.
We say, then, that the question offered to the
North by
Mr. Lincoln's second proclamation is infinitely more vital and important than the question offered by his first proclamation of September.
It involves, indeed, all that is of real interest and permanent importance in the issues raised by the first.
If we cannot freely discuss and decide for ourselves the end at which we shall aim in the prosecution of the existing war, what real voice have we in the matter at all?
Of what consequence, says a very high authority, is it to a man that he should gain the whole world, if in gaining it be loses his own soul?
Of what consequence, we say, can it be to us to liberate four millions of our fellow-creatures from bondage, if, as a condition precedent to that liberation, we are to bind ourselves hand and foot to sacrifice our own liberty of judgment and action upon the tremendous questions which the accomplishment of this vast scheme must necessarily raise?
We warn
Mr. Stanton and all others in authority, that the
American people of the free and loyal States are not to be thus dragooned out of their birth right in order to secure the position and the prospects of
any man or any set of men. When they distinctly understand what they are driven to decide at the ballot-box in the immediate future, they will take the matter up without fear or favor.
Without fear or favor they will decide it, and woe be to those who, in the exercise of a little brief authority, conferred by the people for the people's good, shall attempt to interfere with the freest and fullest discharge of this first duty and right of the American citizen.
’
The position of the armies in Kentucky.
The New York
Times, in an article on the position of the armies in
Kentucky, thinks
Nashville is perfectly safe.
It says:
‘
We have the evidence of
Bragg's own movements that he has not up to this time contemplated a retreat from
Kentucky by way of the
Nashville road.
He has diverged too far east to have any such purpose, and continues his course in that direction.
He was at
Danville the geographical centre of the
State, making political speeches to the people, at latest dates.
His army is following, and will not stand, we apprehend, even to decide on the final course of the campaign, till all the forces are massed near
Danville.
There was besides an obvious military necessity for
Bragg to make just such a movement to the east, and not toward the south.
At
Lexington,
Frankfort,
Paris,
Mount Sterling, and all through
Northern Kentucky, toward
Covington and
Maysville, the
Confederates have their troops stationed.
These are
Humphrey Marshall's,
Kirby Smith's, and
John H. Morgan's men, ranging toward 25,000 in number.
These men must be withdrawn before
Bragg's army breaks front to move upon
Nashville or any other Southern point; otherwise
Buell, by moving east, would cut them off, leaving then north of the
Kentucky river, and their capture would be inevitable.
Bragg is moving east to save this portion of the Confederate army that is north of the
Kentucky, by giving them time to join him at
Danville.
They seem to be marching south from
Frankfort and
Lexington now for that purpose.
Bragg will mass his forces probably near
Danville, and then determine on his policy.
If the
President's proclamation shall work much mischief in the
State, (and we are sorry to say that there are unmistakable indications that it is doing some harm,)
Bragg will probably risk a battle and try to possess the
State.
If he is not encouraged sufficiently from this source, he can leave the
State by two roads--one leading to
Cumberland Gap, the other leading nearly south from
Danville, crossing the
Cumberland river near
Albany, and striking directly south toward
McMinnville, Tenn. It was by this route that
Kirby Smith lately entered
Kentucky--by the route that
Zollicoffer's troops fled away after the
battle of Mill Spring.
Buell will hardly, then, leave without a fight; and if they fight,
Buell's army will hardly be beaten.
’
Mr. Spencer, a New Yorker, but for several years past a merchant in
Savannah, Ga., has arrived in New York and told his story, which is published in the
Times. The following are his views of the ‘"feeling at the
South:"’
‘
The feeling of the citizens of
Savannah with reference to the rebellion,
Mr. Spencer represents as being nearly unanimous in favor of continuing the course they have begun, and of never yielding until they have gained their independence.
Many of them openly declare that they would prefer becoming the subjects of a foreign power to a reunion with the
National Government.
Not a few openly avowed that they had meditated the movement for twenty years past, and that in the election of
Lincoln they saw their opportunity.
The Northern men, of whom there are a great many in
Savannah, as well as all the
Southern cities, are mostly Union men at heart, but they are obliged to disavow, or at the best to conceal, their sentiments.
There is, however, nothing like the reign of terror visiting them at present there was at the beginning of the rebellion.
The ‘"Rattlesnake Club"’ and ‘"Vigilance Committee,"’ at whose instigations so many outrages were committed on Union men and strangers at the commencement of the movement, have pretty much died out. The better class of citizens were compelled to discountenance them in self-preservation, and to save their whole social fabric from tumbling into anarchy, and their opposition, together with the fact that the leading desperadoes, with most of their rank and file, have found their way into the army, has at length relieved the city from much of the terrorism that formerly existed.
Considerable freedom of expression is now allowed, provided it is judiciously indulged in, and with reference to the demerits of the neighboring
State of South Carolina, the utmost latitude is permitted and even approved.
Mr. Spencer says he has of ten openly expressed the hope that the war would not end until
Charleston was utterly extinguished and blotted off the map, and his sentiments always met with an approving echo.
They accuse
Charleston of having got them into the scrape, and charge cowardice upon the
South Carolina troops in battle.
At the time of the capture of
Port Royal,
Mr. Spencer says
Savannah could have been taken with the utmost case.
It was the universal expectation that it would be taken, and the failure of the
Government to follow up the victory at
Port Royal greatly disheartened the
Union men in
Savannah.--If the city ever should be captured, he says the
Government will find the same state of things existing as at New Orleans; there will be no manifestations of Union feeling until it is settled beyond a doubt that the
Government is able to maintain its position.
With reference to the emancipation proclamation of the
President,
Mr. Spencer is of the opinion that it will prove to be impolitic.
The news of the proclamation had not reached
Savannah when he left, but it had been long anticipated; and the repeated averments in Southern newspapers that the
Federal Government intended to adopt such a measure has already, as he thinks, added 10,000 soldiers to the Confederate army.
The Union men of the
South, who have heretofore argued that the war on the part of the
United States was for the maintenance of the
Government and the supremacy of the
Constitution and law, will now be met with the remark; ‘"There, I told you this was a war for the niggers,"’ and the result would be that every man would be forced to take sides with the
South.
This advantage to the
Union cause he thinks will not be counterbalanced, as many who favor the measure anticipate, by any effort on the part of the negroes themselves calculated to strengthen the arm of the
National Government or weaken that of its enemies.
He deems the idea absurd, that the mass of plantation negroes in the interior will, in consequence of this measure, be induced to strike a blow for their own freedom, or in fact that they will ever hear of the proclamation.
’
Destruction of salt Works — a Breeze created at Savannah.
A letter from
Port Royal says that a party of Federal troops went to
Bluffton, Ga., on the 30th and destroyed the salt works there.
The letter adds:
‘
The next day the
Colonel, with a company of his regiment, under
Capt. Lent, and of the 3d Rhode Island Artillery, under
Capt. Could, with the same boats, ascended the
Savannah to within two miles of
Fort Jackson, and broke up a working party who were sinking stone obstructions in the channel.
The six steamboats which had allowed their fires to go down came in for a fire of anther sort, hot and peppery, and, as quickly as possible, made for shelter beneath the guns of
Fort Jackson.
A battery at Casten's Bluff opened upon
Col. Barton's party, but the replying fire silenced it after six shots from the rebels of too short a range for damage.--Our boats then recoiled before the excitement they had themselves caused, so great that the housetops of
Savannah were distinctly seen sprinkled with spectators, rousing the floating battery, which descended and which is now anchored so much lower down, that it is no longer safe for another adventure with such small boats.
’
Letter from one of the French Princes — his opinion of the Confederacy.
The following is an extract from a letter addressed to an U. S. General by one of the
French Princes, and published in the New York papers:
‘
We shall always remember that campaign with the Army of the Potomac as one of the best and most interesting epochs of our youth.
It is with regret that we left our companions in arms, and nothing can be more gratifying to us than such testimonies of remembrance and esteem.
I need not add that our hearty wishes still accompany them; that the distance has only strengthened the interest we take in the success of the great cause for which we fought together.
Depend upon it, however ignorant and prejudicial may be the public at large, there are still on this side of the
Atlantic some hearts who follow with emotion the struggle of a great and free nation for her institutions, and who cannot believe in the ultimate success of the efforts of a deluded minority to establish a new community whose corner-stone shall be so odious, so dangerous, and so precarious an institution as that of slavery.
Before ending this letter, (for the bad
English of which I must apologize,) let me still tell you, my dear General, how glad I should be to shake hands again with you, and to talk once more with you of your winter quarters in that wild corner of Mary land, or of the summer days when your tent was pitched on the field of battle of ‘"
Fair Oaks!"’
I beg you, my dear General, to believe me always, very truly, yours.
Louis Philippe D'Orleans,
Comte de Paris.
’
Vermont's quota full and about ready to March.
The State
Agent of
Vermont in New York has received the following telegram:
Brattleboro', Vt., Oct. 7, 1862. --The 12th Vermont regiment leaves home at 9 o'clock this evening for
Washington, via New Haven and the
Sound Attend to them to-morrow morning on arrival.
See that transportation and other necessaries are all right.
The 12th regiment will leave on Saturday of this week, and the 14th, 15th, and 16th regiments will be ready for marching orders in a few days.--These five regiments make the quota of
Vermont of nine months men — all volunteers.
They are composed of as good stock as we have in
Vermont.
A letter in the New York
Times from
Harper's Ferry, the 6th inst, says:
‘
That the rebels have withdrawn most of their forces from between
Charlestown and
Martinsburg is also shown by the result of the reconnaissance to the latter place last week, when no rebel infantry were to be seen.
This being the case, we have reason to expect that
McClellan will cross the
Potomac at
Sharpsburg, Dam No. 4, and
Williamsport, and occupy
Martinsburg,
Shepherdstown, and the surrounding country.
Should he, however, send a superior force made up largely of cavalry, directly from this place to
Charleston, I am confident he could cut off and capture all the forces above who are carrying on their depredations and impressing the citizens.
They could not escape through
Western Virginia or
Maryland.
’
The respectable New York Regiment.
A respectable regiment from the
city of New York, the
Ironsides regiment, is about marching to its death.
It is chiefly composed of members of the Young Men's Christian Association.
They have elected a new
Colonel.
The
Times says:
‘
The committee having in charge the organization of the
Ironsides regiment, have unanimously recommended, as prominent
Colonel of the regiment, Mark
Hoyt,
Esq., of this city, and at their request, and in acquiescence with the earnest indorsement of
Mr. Hoyt by some of our most eminent citizens,
Gov. Morgan has made the appointment.
Colonel Hoyt, therefore, occupies the position in place of
Charles Gould Esq., resigned.
The new
commanding officer of the
Ironsides regiment is a gentleman of wealth, position, unblemished character and religious standing, and the regiment is fortunate in securing the sympathy and services of so suitable a commander.
We are not informed as to his military capacity.
’
Miscellaneous.
They are getting tired of
Halleck.
Washington dispatches ominously agree in ‘ "deprecating that he is not in the field."’
Eli Thayer has concluded to settle the whole of
Florida, and advertises for emigrants for the whole State.
Gen. Lee has been deprived, by the
Northern papers of the use of both hands, having been shot in one, and broken the other.
The horse and accoutrements of
Gen. Kearney have been sent into the
Federal lines by order of
Gen. Lee.
Miss Belle Boyd has returned to
Martinsburg, Va. 
