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The intervention Scheme.


Speech of the British under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on mediation.

[From the London Times Dec. 16] Mr. Leyard, M. P., Under of State for Foreign Affairs, met his on Monday evening at the Bridge House Hotel, London Bridge. He spoke on various topics of public interest.

After touching on the affairs of it Thomas' Hospital, and some subjects of local interest on sold it was needless to say that for the last two or three years there was out question which had the attention of the country, and he believed that the country was wed satisfied with the conduct of the government of that question. The principle on which this country west was that of non and of sympathy with all nations struggling for freedom.

Then, as to America of "Hear, hear") He believed the policy of the Government had received the almost mous of the country. It was not too much to expect that a little political capital might fell into the hands of those who wanted it. )--But his answer was this that the Government had no right to express its opinions on the question of slavery. The government of this country had of ways shown a sympathy with the Northern States to put down the African slave trade. He could not go into government secretes that would not be expected; but he could say, that when the history of Lord Palmerston was written it would be found that no man had done more to suppress slavery, (cheers.) and that no man had followed it more in all its twisting and turning than Lard Palmerston. The country was not called on to express an opinions on that question, but she was called upon to observe a strict (applause.) He thought that the English Government were right in their opinion that the proposal of the French Government for was opportune, and that if the English Government had accepted that official an inopportune moment, then when the opportunity arrived, would have been lost. He regretted the tone that had been adopted in America against this country, and thought that the observations of Mr. Bright were but ill calculated to allay that --The Government of their country had acted under the law and the very percents and maxims which had been laid down by the Unite States and when he was told that we had the South to carry on the war he would asked the North had not been the more He how ever, that the time would come when a great continent would be at place and would acknowledge the part this country had taken. With regard to no one who had travel as he had done could fall to recognize the spirit of intelligence which was spreading in that country. It was true the Southern States were in a lame table position and that brigandage and murder would protected by the head of the Church. As to Tuckey, our policy should be as in other countries, that of non intervention; and there great improvements had taken place which it was the duty of England to encourage. Having said much he thought he could fairly appeal to them in suppers of her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) Let them look at what the Government had accomplished.--There had been the French Treaty of Commerce which tended to alleviate the distress in Lancashire. That distress was hold not deplorable, but it showed how sound was our commerce, and, above all how truly the working classes of this country were entitled to the tran (Cheers) From all he knew, he believed were looking a little better, and be was glad the Government had not given from the public funds.


Napoleon's offer friendly to the Union--his acts in Accord with England.

[Paris (Dec. 22) correspondent of London Post] The diplomatic correspondence between the Governments of Paris and Washington, through their respective is the subject of in society and in the Parisian journals. Many and varied have been the assertions made as to the views of the Emperor Napoleon and this Cabinet concerning their leaning towards the North or their sympathy for the South. The readers of the Morning Post will remember they have always he formed that the French Government would continue to observe the policy of in harmony with the policy of England. Whilst see the close of the war and place between the North and the South, France waded and with her good offices when called upon to exercise them. The dispatch now before the world remove all doubt as to the action of the French Government when M. Then venel was in office, end I think I should be able to show that no chance has taken place since M. Drouya addressed his note to the Washington suggesting in a some hat officious humanitarian and friendly form, a suspension of --Mr. Drayton. the American Minister at Paris, home to his Government that the commencement of the insurrection the Emperor that the North could succeed, and the opinion of European statement was also that two sections of the Union would never he reunited M. Thouvenel also said, "France and the other Powers have not the intention of later in America. France receives to the right or expressing to the when she shall see or useful, her desices for the war to come to an end, and of saying what she thinks should be close, write the consent of the two belligerent Powers," M. Thouvenel also said. "The refusal of the moderation of France by the North would not be followed by the recognition of the South Nothing would be changed. The Emperor was disposed to take a friendly part between the two if it was desired by both parties" Here, then, have a confirmation of the policy of neutrality agreed on by France and England from the commencement of the American war, with a declaration of willingness to mediate when catled upon to do so by "both parties." But the history of the communications of the French Government with America are not complete without a statement of what has taken place at the French Foreign then between Mr. Sillell, the agent for the South in and the Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Sillell's communication with the French Foreign Office could not be received officially, on no doubt representations were made both to the Tuleries and the French Foreign Office from the representative of the South. I presume something similar has taken place between Mr. at and her Britannic Majesty's Government. A it was, I presume, from Southern representations that the Emperor ordered of Drouyned L'Hays to draw up a dispatch, which England and Russia were asked to subscribe to suggesting a suspension of hostilities. This the French Government did not consider interfering, and I believe that the Emperor let it be known at Washington, through Mr. Dayton, that France came forward, not to favor either one or other of the belligerents that in the name of humanity and for the good of both--The Emperor and France have fled, at all events a inspiration. Those who know the character of the American people had little hope of France succeeding but it is to blame the Emperor and his Government for such generated munitions. The Governments of England and France confine to be united in their policy towards America, and that policy now, as of old, is strict neutrality.


Destruction of British property by the Alabama.

[From the London Herald (organ of the ) Dec. 24.] In the first place, it say be true that some municipal law has been in the building this, or equipment of the Alabama in that case the Government has its remain against Mr. L or any of the Confederate agents in this country who can be shown to have committed any offence. But there is no case on this against the Captain of the Alabama or its Government.--Neither of them have been us any wrong in that way; and they had, neither of them are within our But it is cilegad that since she he Confederate flag the Alabama his unwittingly committed certain wrong against British merchants whose guards were shipped on board Federal vessels. In that case on is clear Inter law requires that we should apply to the Confederate Government for an which it cannot and will not refuse. Sometime ago we showed that there was grave resort to doubt whether British goods shipped under a belligerent flag are lawfully examples from capture, but supposing that they are, our remedy ries not in any interference with the Alabama, but in an appeal to her Government. Only some high- handed act of deliberate violence, such as the courage on the Trent, or the cursing of the in neutral waters would justify us in taking the law into our own hands, and nothing could justify us in dealing with Capt Semmes otherwise than as we should deal with Capt. Walkes. If therefore, it be true that our Government have given orders that the Alabama shall not be allowed to coal in British harbor, they have committed a breach of neutrality, unless they extend the same prohibition to Federal men-afewer If it be true that they have threatened her with destruction, if she should again by machine or necessary, burn British property on board American vessels, they have committed one of the basest and most dastardly of crimes — so act of against a gallant nation struggling against tremendous odds and wholly unable to resent this unmerited and unprovoked If Lord Russell has acted thus he has acted a part unworthy not only of a neural esstesmen, but of an English gentleman — But before we believe him guilty of a crime so mean so gratuitous, and as an English we must see the statement of the Liverpool. Journal of Commerce confirmed by some higher authority.

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