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England and the United States.

The debate in the House of Commons on the 23d, upon the pass given by Mr. Adams to an English ship to a Mexican port, displays the existence of much feeling on the subject. Mr. Rosbuck, a converted Radical, formerly our enemy, now our friend, leaped boldly into the ring and called out for justice to the "dignity" and "honor" of England, and for the protection of her commerce from the "sneering insolence of an upstart race!"--He was lustily cheered by the Opposition.--He declared that if the demand for this justice and this protection of the commerce of Great Britain led to war the English people were prepared for it. No other member went so far in a bellicose demonstration; but the act of Mr. Adams, U. S. Minister, was severely censured.

While these outgiving are interesting, as displaying the sentiment of the British people through their representatives, the main point is as to the reply of Earl Russell, in the House of Lords, and the course of the Government. The Earl declared Mr. Adams's conduct "most unwarrantable." The Government, he stated, had declined to hold communication with him on the subject, but would forward a statement of the case to the Washington Cabinet on the 25th of April. This thrusting of Mr. Adams aside, in order to present the matter directly to his Government, is a happy proceeding for the Lincoln Cabinet, and suggests to them a means of composing the difficulty which they will most assuredly avail themselves of.

The reply of Earl Russell being general, we are not informed as to the exact nature of the communication to the Washington Government. His mild language about it as "a representation of the facts," would suggest the inference that it was not very sharp; that it was hardly up to the example of the United States itself, when it not only demanded that the British Government should disapprove Mr. Crampton's (British Minister to the United States) agency in the matter of enlisting troops in the United States for the Crimean war, but that it should withdraw Mr. Crampton from Washington. One would think that the opportunity being good John Bull would seize it to retort this practice precisely upon Jonathan. Possibly he may have done so; but Earl Russell's statement does not encourage the belief that he has.

The British Cabinet is evidently afraid of Jonathan; it will do anything to avoid a difficulty with him. It refuses to recognize the Confederacy. It will most scrupulously preserve that centrality which is throwing every facility in the hands of the Yankees, and putting the most inconvenient and serious obstacles in our way. It will strictly observe all the most extravagant conceptions of its obligations to the Lincoln Government, while that Government is abundantly supplying itself not only with every munition of war to fight us, but is, against right and law, making enlistments in Ireland upon appeals to the prejudices and hatred of England in the minds of the Irish, which prejudices and hatred are propitiated by promises of aid to free Ireland from British dominion as soon as the South is conquered! To preserve her centrality and avoid hostilities with such a power England is shaping her policy with a spirit of conciliation and caution altogether inconsistent with a proper sense of dignity and justice. Members of Parliament are urged to be cautions — to weigh their words — not to make too many inquiries about British and American relations — and not to say anything offensive and calculated to wound the sensibilities of a people whom one of them has the boldness to call an "upstart race."

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