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We take some additional matters of interest from our Northern files, of the 26th instant:

The Yankee Enrollment bill in Congress.

The refusal of the House to make the Enrollment bill, reported from the Military Committee Monday, the order of the day until disposed of is an indication that it is not likely to be soon passed. It will be considerably altered from the shape in which it came from the Senate, and two or three weeks at least, if not even more time, will be required to harmonize the two bodies and perfect the bill.

The substitute reported by Representative Schenck, from the Military Committee, for the Senate bill amendatory of the Enrollment act, makes the quota proportionate to the number subject to the draft, with allowances for enlistments in the naval service of such as are liable to draft, and provides for further drafts if the quotas shall not be filled by the first. It allows as substitutes persons not liable to draft at the time or in the military or naval service. Additions to existing enrollments shall be made of those omitted before. Young men arriving at the age of twenty and persons who have been in the military service less than two years, and all persons of foreign birth who have voted at a State or Territorial election. Mariners drafted may have eight days to elect to enlist in the naval service; but pilots, engineers, and master-at-arms in the naval service may not be drafted. None are exempt except those physically disabled, the President. Vice President, Heads of Executive Departments, Governors of States, and men in the naval and military service, and those who having served two years are honorably discharged. Persons procuring substitutes are exempt only from that draft, and in no case for more than a year, when the name is again placed upon the enrollment list. The bill prescribes the penalty of a fine of five thousand dollars and imprisonment not exceeding five years for resistance to the draft. It retains the three hundred dollar commutation of physically disabled persons able to pay; but makes the lowest limit of income $1,200 instead of $1,000. It does not exempt clergymen, nor allow commutation exemptions of able-bodied persons.

John Minor Botts as a peace Maker he Don't want a place in the U. S. Senate.

A Mr G. S. Smith, "Treasurer of the Virginia State Government," (of which it is not stated,) has written a letter to John Minor Botts, urging, on behalf of "Gov" Pierpont, his acceptance of the position of United States Senator from Virginia Mr. Botts has written a reply declining the proffered "honor" A Yankee letter gives a summary of the letter:

‘ He states that he is fully aware of the responsibility of a United States Senator; that the position is one which ought to satisfy the aspirations of any moderate man, but that he is compelled at present, by solemn conviction of duty, to decline accepting any office from either of the numerous Governments of Virginia representing, or professing to represent, that State. His unselfish motives, he states. might be impugned, but he nevertheless believes that the time is not far distant when he may be able to aid in healing the bitter animosities of the two sections. He charges the leaders of the rebellion as having, with "miscalculation upon miscalculation, and blunder upon blunder," brought ruin an destruction upon the "old Mother of States," and closes by saying that neither war, nor want, nor suffering can last forever, and that, when the proper time arrives, he believes he may be instrumental in the work of union and reconciliation.

’ In a conversation with Mr. Botts, he stated that never for a single instant during this war has he doubted the final result. His opinion of George B. McClellan is not at all complimentary to that gentleman, whom he regards, if not positively disloyal at heart, at least in the light of an ambitious aspirant for undeserved honors. Mr. Botts stated that he believed that the majority of the rebel army regarded McClellan as being as truly devoted to their interests as Robert E. Lee, and that a man who would not, when his name was used in connection with Davis, Vallandigham, Wood and others of the same political complexion, come out boldly and disclaim the association, was totally unfit to be commander of a Union army. Mr. Botts says that of all the promises made to the Southern people by the leaders of secession, only one may possibly be fulfilled. The promise referred to is the case of Mr. Toombs of Georgia, who, it will be remembered, said he would yet call the his slaves at the foot of Bunker Hill Monument.--Mr. Botts thinks that if President Lincoln will collect the slaves of Mr. Toombs, and permit him to visit the North, the prophecy may be fulfilled.

The correspondence between Generals M'Clellan and Halleck During General Pope's campaign.

The following are a portion of the interesting dispatches which passed between Generals Halleck and McClellan, pursuant to the withdrawal of the army from the peninsula to aid General Pope, and are published from advance sheets of General McClellan's report:

General McClellan to General Halleck.

August 30--10:30 P. M.
I have sent to the front all my troops, with the exception of Couch's division, and have given the orders necessary to insure its being disposed of as you directed. I hourly expect the return of one of my aids, who will give authentic news from the field of battle.

I cannot express to you the pain and mortification I have experienced to-day in listening to the distant sound of the firing of my men. I can be of no further use here. I respectfully ask that, if there is a probability of the conflict being renewed to-morrow, I may go to the scene of battle with my Staff, merely to be with my own men, if nothing more. They will fight none the worse for my being with them. If it is not deemed best to entrust me with the command of my own army, I simply ask to share their fate on the field of battle.

Please reply to this to-night. I have been engaged for the last few hours in doing what I can to make arrangements for the wounded. I have sent out all the ambulances now loaded. As I have sent my escort to the front I would be glad to take some of Gregg's cavalry with me, if allowed to go.

Gen. Halleck's reply.

I have just seen your telegram of last night. The substance was repeated to me when received, but I did not know that you asked for a reply immediately. I cannot answer without seeing the President, as General Pope is in command, by his order, of the department.

I think Couch's division should go forward as rapidly as possible, and find the battle-field.

Gen. Halleck to Gen. McClellan.

August 31--2:45 P. M.
The Subsistence Department are making Fairfax Station their principal depot. It should be well guarded. The officer in charge should be directed to secure the depot by abatis against cavalry. As many as possible of the new regiments should be prepared to take the field. Perhaps some more should be sent to the vicinity of Chain Bridge.

Gen. McClellan's reply.

August 31, 1863.
Major Haller is at Fairfax Station, with my provost and headquarters guards and other troops. I have requested (4) four more companies to be sent at once, and the precautions you direct to be taken.

Under the Department order of yesterday I have no control over anything except my Staff, some few hundred men in my camp here, and the few remaining men near Fortress Monroe. I have no control over the new regiments; do not know anything about them, except those near here.--Their commanding officers and those of the works are not under me.

Where I have seen evils existing under my eye I have corrected them.

I think it is the business of General Casey to prepare the new regiments for the field, and a matter between him and General Barnard to order others to Chain Bridge.

Neither of them is under my command, and by the War Department order I have no right to give them orders.

G. B. McClellan,
Major General.

General Halleck
General Halleck's Rejoinder

Washington, Aug. 31.
General McClellan:

Since receiving your dispatch relating to command, I have not been able to answer any not of absolute necessary. I have not seen the order as published, but will write to you in the morning. You will retain the command of everything in this vicinity.

I beg of you to assist me in this crisis with your ability and experience. I am entirely tired out.

H. W. Halleck, General-in-Chief.

Kentucky Congressmen at Washington Defining their position.

During the debate in Committee of the Whole in the Yankee House Monday afternoon on the Deficiency Appropriation bill, quite an exciting scene occurred, principally between the Kentucky members, in which Clay Smith and Brutus J. Clay were violently attacked by Mr. Mallory and others of their colleagues for acting with the Republicans in the organization of the House and since. At one time the affair became very personal, and there was considerable disorder on the floor, the members leaving their seats and crowding around the disputants, who were very much excited and bitter in their mutual recriminations. We give a portion of the debate:

Mr. Smith, (Rep.,) of Ky., as a Southern man, identified with the institution of Slavery, said there remained behind the rebellion that which gave it strength and power, and which must be destroyed and overthrown while the army moves in front. The very life blood of the rebellion is drawn from African slavery, and whenever we tap this foundation of the rebellion our efforts will be effectual. [Applause.]

Mr. Mallory, (Opp) of Ky., entered his solemn protest against the sentiments uttered by his colleague. Kentucky scorns them, and has given evidence of the fact that she does.

Mr. Smith asked whether Kentucky did not, after the assurance of the proclamation, give fifty- nine

thousand majority for the Union and the enforcement of the laws?

Mr. Mallory replied yes, but against the administration of President Lincoln, as denounced by his colleague himself. Did his colleague deny that?

Mr. Smith.--I do deny it.

Mr. Mallory said the voice of Kentucky, as expressed through her Legislature and Convention, was that he should stand by the State through thick and thin, while opposing the emancipation proclamation as a usurpation.

Mr. Smith explained his position in the late canvass, which was that, while opposed to the operation of the proclamation upon the Union men of the South, as far as the rebels in arms were concerned, he would take their negroes and their infernal lives, and crush them to atoms. (Applause.) He would ask his colleague whether he was in favor of supporting a doctrine which would give the rebels in arms all the rights and privileges he would give to Union men, and whether he would make restitution of their slaves.

Mr. Mallory replied that he would carry on the war with all the power the Constitution confers. --He would destroy the rebel army and reduce the rebels to obedience to the Constitution and the laws. He hoped he would have magnanimity enough to spare private property, and let the people of the South come back to their allegiance, living peaceably under their own vine and fig tree. He wanted no heart burnings.

Mr. Wadsworth, (Opp.) of Ky., referred to a speech of Mr. Smith, to show that the latter was opposed to the radical measures of the administration, and that if elected to Congress he would vote for a war Democrat for Speaker.

Mr. Smith replied that there was no war Democrat he could vote for; none such had been nominated. He therefore, supported the gentleman who now so ably filled the chair. He was proud to stand by him, because that gentleman was for the Government, the Constitution and the Union; and he never had sustained any man opposed to the war.

Mr. Wadsworth arraigned his colleague (Mr. Smith) for his betrayal of the Union party of Kentucky, and unfaithfulness to the pledges he made to it. He regretted that his colleague's opinion had not been sooner known, for if they had been the people would have elected a man opposed to the radical measures of the administration.

Mr. Smith explained that he went with the election on the principle of high and sublime love of country and pure philanthropy. He was nominated by a convention which the Louisville Journal denounced as a radical abolition convention. He was elected by over five thousand majority. Men who owned more negroes than all of them together, had endorsed his course in voting for Speaker Colfax.

Mr. Clay, (Rep.,) of Ky., wished to know whether or he was included in the charge of violating pledges.

Mr. Mallory replied that he had not in the remotest manner alluded to his colleague. He did not know his colleague's views on the emancipation proclamation.

Mr. Clay said he had made a pledge that he would make no pledges. He was thus left free to vote for the man best qualified for Speaker. He was independent and would so act as most to benefit his country, and on his action would return and face his constituent.

Without further action on the bill, on motion of Mr. Stevens, the Committee arose.

The House then adjourned at a quarter of six o'clock.

The contemplated attack on Mobile.

The New Orleans correspondent of the New York World, writing on the 16th inst., thus speculates on the probability of a movement on Mobile:

I was positively told the other day that instructions to Admiral Farragut to pierce Mobile harbor by Grant's pass, a narrow artificial channel formerly used by light draught steamers, had been communicated to Gen. Banks by the Department at Washington, with orders to co-operate in the effort. The presence of Gen. McPherson is not made officially known here. Our laudatory journals do, it is true, tell about several distinguished staff officers who are here from Vicksburg; but they are prudently silent as to the presence of the General himself. Gen. Ord also quietly assumes command of his corps, the 13th; and Gen. Franklin is here. Put all these things together, and you will say Mobile is to be attacked.

I do not believe this is to be the present destination of the forces. The fact that the light draught river fleet is again fitting up for active duty; that there has been strong recruiting going on here for engineers to serve on twelve of the vessels, which must proceed, somewhere to make a combined and the rains give promise of a rise in our Southwestern rivers, points unmistakably to the Red river or the Ouachita as the destination of the troops which are laying in the mud of Algiers and returning from Attakapas. It will be easy for McPherson to co-operate with them; but how would he manage to do so in an attack on Mobile?

Grant and Sherman found it impossible to go eastward of Jackson, Mississippi, when the former had his entire forces with which he captured Vicksburg with him. How are the remains of McPherson's corps to do better? I have heard men talk so wildly as that an expedition would start from Ba on Rouge across Louisiana and Mississippi over a country uncut with direct roads of crosswise travel, to attack Mobile in the rear. They might meet no enemy on the route, but they would be so travel word before they got there that they could do little against an active and agile enemy.

There are but two routes by which to approach Mobile with the forces of either Banks or McPherson, and they meet come to New Orleans to go to either point. They may go to Pascagoula in light draught steamers, and march forty mile over roads expressly prepared to give them trouble, or to take the Pensacola route, where there is plenty of water, or go up the Perdido and be landed nearer still to Mobile. In either case no extemporized outfit and no slight preparation for heavy work would be advisable. It must be undertaken by an army equal in all respects to that which Grant led to Vicksburg. If Gen. Halleck thinks it might be effected by what is left of Bank's army after the campaigns of last year and the numerous feints on Texas, with all the forces which McPherson could muster by abandoning the Mississippi river to the guerillas, the best way to prove it would be to undertake it himself. There is quite a suspicion getting abroad that Gen. Halleck has a fashion of sending rising Generals on difficult enterprises in the hope that they will kill themselves off by some act of desperation. If he meditates making a Uriah of Gen. Banks he is much mistaken.


Marshal Kane, of Baltimore, and thirteen Confederates, mostly escaped officers from Johnson's Island, and Camp Douglas, left Quebec on the 25th, by the Grand Trunk railroad for Reviere du Loup, to take the overland route to Halifax.

The Legislature of Kentucky, on the 13th, passed a bill prohibiting the importation of slaves into that State. The influx of slaves, says the dispatch, has had the effect of cheapening the price of the stock on hand and overflowing the market.

The recruiting bounties is causing great frauds in New York. U. S. Surgeon Kerrigan is being tried for passing two French sailors who had been enlisted drunk, and several Americans diseased and over the age.

The Yankee war vessel Marblehead, which recently ventured into Stone river, S. C., and was badly riddled by our batteries, has reached the Brooklyn Navy Yard in a crippled condition.

Rev. W. W. Walker, former President of the Lynchburg, Va., College, was among the prisoners carried off in the recent raid into Westmoreland co., Va.

The Yankee Senate has confirmed the nomination of John C. Underwood, Judge of the United States Court, for the Eastern District of Virginia.

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