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From our latest Northern files we give the following additional intelligence:


Proceedings in the Yankee Congress — the last Protest of Kentucky about slavery.

In the Yankee Senate, on Wednesday last, Senator Davis, of Kentucky, made a speech against Lincoln's proclamation abolishing slavery. We give it as a matter of history:

The general reason assigned for this action, that slavery was the cause of the rebellion, struck him as very unsound. He would be perfectly willing to acknowledge the guilt of Massachusetts and South Carolina, and abolish both of these States. If this had been done thirty years ago this war would not have occurred. He was opposed to the present measure for many reasons. It strikes at one of the most vital and essential principles of our mingled system of national and State Governments. He held that when a State was in performance of its duties, in obedience to the Constitution, it was entitled to immunity from the infractions of its local laws on the part of the Government. Any other principle would be despotism These amendments would destroy a fundamental principle of the Constitution, interfering with and stripping the people of a loyal State, where slavery exists, of their undoubted constitutional rights. It would also, if extended, deprive them of their right to regulate any of their domestic institutions.--Slavery was the creature of local law alone. Upon what pretext, then, did Senators assert that Congress had jurisdiction over it in sovereign States. He denied any such power, either in Congress or in the Executive. When the foundations of our beneficent Government were laid by such master minds as Washington. Jefferson, Adams, and their compeers, and it was now proposed to revise their work, to destroy its harmony and uniformity, in order to attempt to improve it, the country demanded to know the mighty reasons therefore.--The professions of President Lincoln were moderate enough in the beginning, and if he had not listened to the whispers of fanaticism and been guided alone by patriotism, what a name he would now have in the breast of every lover of his country. After his repeated violations of his promises, was he to trust the President? Never. Mr. Davis arraigned the President at great length for military interference in the elections in Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware, to promote the election of Representatives friendly to his cause. He considered that the most atrocious and impudent usurpation of the President was his proposition for the reconstruction of State Governments. This was a power alone to be exercised by Congress, according to the decision of the Supreme Court--He thought the President should be impeached for the purpose of vindicating the freedom of the American people. He accused the President of political jugglery in splitting the old States into various new ones, and in creating others which could not show the requisite bona fide population required by the law. There was Western Virginia, Virginia, and Southern Virginia. How many more Virginias we would have he did not know. He knew Virginia was given fifteen, Tennessee ten, Louisiana seven, and Arkansas five electoral votes, while three new States were about to be admitted without the requisite qualifications with an electoral vote of twelve.--In the absence of his military power he did not believe the President would have dared to do what he has done. With the constitution over thrown, the Government was at an end, as that alone was its life, its essence and its soul. The way to preserve the Government was to preserve the reserved rights of the States under the constitution. He believed religiously that the present Executive was bent on the destruction of the Government if he deemed that necessary to continue himself in power, though he grieved to say it. He did not know which Government threatened the people most — that of the rebel Jefferson Davis or the usurper Abraham Lincoln. he wished to see all usurpers struck down by the voice of the people at the polls. He was for any organization any party, any power, any candidate on God's earth, except a negro, for the overthrow of Abraham Lincoln. He would take Fremont or Chase. He believed, them to be plain and candid men, and he loved a man who acted in God's open sunshine. With his convictions of the Presidents policy, of his ambition, his sinister purposes for the future, his determination to clutch all the powers he could grasp to secure his re-election, and that these successful usurpations will be up by him and his supporters in justification of his crimes against the constitution he Mr. Davis,) believed that the highest interests of our common country demanded his defeat in his attempted usurpation and re-election, and so far as his feeble will and acts could go he intended to defeat him

The Republican member don't seem to be a unit. In the house, Mr. Ashley, of Ohio, (Rep.) protested against Lincoln's plan of reconstructing the States on his own account. He advocated the bill for the reconstruction of States subjugated or over thrown by the rebellion. The relation of States to the Federal Government may terminate and cease His desire was to provide against the repetition of the crime in the future, and to subjugate such States by the sword holding military possession until the people shall reorganize the State Government under the direction of Congress, subject to the Constitution of the United States. In the absence of law the President had no power to re-establish State Governments, or prescribe the terms on which they may be readmitted into the Union. The military and the civic power cannot be exercised at the same time without confusion. No effort should be made to forestall the action of Congress by the exercise of the military power. He protested against the carrying out of any policy in the reconstruction of States by the Executive Irrespective of the control of Congress. He wanted no such executive precedent established; no such exercise of doubtful constitutional power. He opposed it now as he would were his opponents in possession of the Government. In the course of his remarks he reviewed the conduct of General Banks, saying that officer's proclamation as to politics in Louisiana was an assumption of power and an outrage on civil rights. The policy of that General was in disregard of the wishes of the free State men of that State.


The condition of affairs in New York.

A New York letter in the Philadelphia Inquirer gives the following account of the mad folly reigning in that city:

If the condition of New York society is correctly indicated by the tone and drift of our public journals just now, I am afraid a stranger coming among us might be led to believe we are rapidly going to the bad. The Post, for example, tells of some people up town who are building marble stables for their horses, and of others who are constructing edifices for private theatricals, who are giving dinner parties that cost $1,000, and parties to children where every child was clad in dresses entirely imported from Paris

The Times dwells on the gorgeous displays of jewelry at all our places of public amusement, on the costliness of the equipages which whirl through the aristocratic avenues almost every hour of the day, and the ostentatious prodigality which prevails elsewhere. The Journal of Commerce, the Express, and the World add other illustrations of the same character, while the Daily News is showing that "while the rich are thus getting richer, the poor are getting poorer." The utmost prominence is given to the working men's strikes for higher wages, and the woes of the poor needle women are as usual made the burden of elaborate lamentation


The gold Speculators' telegraph — a rich Invention

The efforts of Chase to keep the trading in gold down are unavailing; the Yankees are too smart for him. He tried to stop telegrams being sent from Washington with the following success, as described by the Washington correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazettes:

Whether in gold or stocks, everything in Wall street depends upon having the earliest news, and consequently there is not a leading stock, dealing firm in New York that does not have from one to half a dozen correspondents in Washington, charged to spare no pains or expense in furnishing them by telegraph, and generally in cipher, the earliest intelligence of any success or disaster in the field, any Important action of the Treasury Department, any rumor of foreign complications — in short, anything likely to affect the hopes or fears of the community, which find their barometer in the wavering of the gold market

These correspondents are generally men suppose to have the confidence of hire officials, or across to early dispatches and, for obvious reasons, their engagement is kept as secre as possible — Last summer one New York banking-house, in a boastful moment. claimed bat it could always have news within an hour after the President had it; and another was said to have numbered among its correspondents the chief of staff of a great army in the field. Of course the services of such men are not enlisted without a "consideration," proportionate at once to the risks they run in furnishing the desired news, and to the nature and accuracy of the news itself. In general this "consideration" depends on what is made cut of their information. Some are promised a fixed snare of the profits; others are simply "let in" as the purase goes, for fifty or a hundred thousand dollars, in any extensive operation based of the news they furnish. Thus, news comes of a great disaster. It will shock public confidence, and send gold up two, three, five, even ten per cent. One of these correspondents of a great New York stock-operating house gets it a few hours before it becomes public. He instantly prepares some previously agreed upon dispatch--"Mary is very much worse, and the doctor gives the nose up;" or "John is very ill and will not be able to travel for some days yet"--and telegraphs this innocent looking message, not to a firm in New York, for that would a base suspition, if there were a cansor at the telegraph office, but to the private address of some and of its members, or to the confidential clerk, or even in some cases, is the wife of some the house. They begin buying gold at once animously, and through as many third parties as possible, to avoid creating a panic; and, their other purchases, make one of fifty or a hundred thousand for the man who has furnished the news. Next day, or perhaps within a few hours, the news gets out, and gold goes up, say five per cent. If the correspondent has been "let in" for a hundred thousand, he pockets five thousand dollars as his share of the operation. Occasionally one of these correspondents makes such a lucky strike, much more often he furnishes news for weeks and months without its having such an effect on the market as to bring him more than the merest dribblets of profits. But the chances of "something brilliant" has its fascinations, and the stock operators have no difficulty in inducing well informed people to furnish them all the news they get. These men haunt every lobby and committee room a conference committee reaches a conclusion on some important question, affecting gold, or stocks, or whisky, to any other article of speculation. They imagine it a profound secret, and are startled a day or two afterward to find that some operator in New York had it within a few hours after its adoption, and that a fortune had been made out of the intelligence. The Supreme Court makes a decision; be fore it is pronounced a "ring" in New York has operated on its effect, and made enough to set every one connected with it up in the world. A bureau of the Government resolves to recommend a tax on a particular article; before the recommendation reaches Congress, certain parties in New York have bought up all of the article they can possibly get, and when the rise comes they pocket the proceeds. It seems utterly impossible to prevent this. When news of important battles is coming in, Government has sometimes attempted it, but the effort was idle as it was foolish. censor has been established at the telegraph office, and he has wisely suppressed every dispatch saying a word about the war. But a servant girl comes in with a hurried scrawl on a torn sheet of delicately-scented French paper, in a lady's hand:

‘ "George H. Montgomery, Fifth Avenue Hotel New York. Do come home at once — Mary cannot live twenty-four hours longer. Laura Montgomery."

’ How can be stop, that? But George H. Montgomery is a myth, and Mary's illness means Hooker's defeat, and the hotel clerk has been instructed to send any such dispatch by the speediest means to somebody's bank down town; and the firm makes the money, and the Government censors keeps blinking like an owl over the dispatches, and rigidly stopping "everything relating to the war;" and Mr. Stanton felicitate himself over having made those newspaper pests send their accounts by mall rather than by telegraph! "How little sense it takes to run a Government," said some wise man.

Once, during last summer, a leading newspaper editor got disgusted, and determined that the gold gamblers should not monopolize all the early news. So he went into the cipher business too, but being rather raw at it, his first effort was not quite so good as some subsequent ones. He forwarded the cipher to his leading Washington correspondent.--Pretty soon the operators in his city, who knew him solely as a devoted newspaper man, were as furnished at receiving for him this dispatch from Washington:

"Have sold for you fifteen thousand bushels of corn at 35. The market looks squally."

His paper announced, the next morning, that the main body of Lee's army had crossed the Maryland line, and was moving into Pennsylvania; and his chief rival got very mad and complained to the War Department that he was bribing the telegraph company; but it was whispered about among his friends that so and so was neglecting his business and going into very rash speculations, and -- he changed his cipher!


Miscellaneous.

Governor Bramlette, of Kentucky, and ex-Senator Dixon, of the same State, are still in Washington. Their business with the President is with reference to the draft. Those who profess to be well acquainted with that subject, says a telegram, confidently say that no difficulty is apprehended as to the execution of the draft under the amendatory enrollment act in that State, and that all proper measures will be taken by the Government to prevent military excesses or any contravention of the rights of the citizens; and, moreover, they assert that Kentucky will promptly furnish her full quota under the draft.

In the Wilkes Court Martial, at Washington, Commander Schufeldt testified that he was Consul General at Havana during Admiral Wilkes's cruise, and that the force of the command was totally inadequate to the duties required, but that the efforts of Wilkes to catch the rebel privateers were unceasing. Commander Clary, of the Tigra, testified to the unfitness of his vessel for sea service, and the untiring efforts of the Admiral to catch the rebel pirates

Postmaster-General Blair is pressing Gen. Grant very hard to place Gen. McClellan in command of the defences of Washington. It was his influence that procured the cancelation of Frank Blair's resignation, and his reassignment to Major General's command under McPherson.

The Committee on the Conduct of the War will in their report completely exonerate President Lincoln from all responsibility for the recent defeat in Florida. The evidence adduced shows that be neither ordered, consulted or was cognizant of the movement that so disastrously culminated at Clustee.

Over twenty-six thousand tons of coal were sold at auction in New York Monday. The descriptions sold were steamboat lump, grate, egg, stove, and Chesnut, all of which showed a considerable advance over former prices.

Mr. McCree, a Yankee Missionary at Beaufort, S. C, for converting the negroes, has been put in jail for selling them whiskey.

Rev Byron Sunderland, the Chaplain of the U. S. Senate, has been tendered the pastoral charge of the American chapel in Paris, and it is understood that he has decided to accept the same.

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