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European view of the Presidential field in Yankeedom.

The New York correspondent of a London paper gives a view of the field over which the Yankees are having their Presidential scramble just now. The letter is of sufficient interest to be read, and we give a portion of it:

‘ The regular National Committee of the Republican party, appointed at Chicago in 1860, to call future Conventions and fix the place of meeting, have named the 7th of June, and selected Baltimore. It is proclaimed as a move necessary to check the schemes of the President's personal followers to trust rate the action of the Convention, by getting up nominations for him by popular meetings and State Legislatures, so as to furnish a plea that a Convention nomination is superfluous, or to exert an outside pressure to compel it to take him up, as already designated by the voice of the people. They adopted another measure, which is held to be a rebuke of the President, and a sign of opposition to his renomination. They made a rule that no delegates shall be received at the Convention from States not represented in Congress.--This shuts out the expected Lincoln delegates from Arkansas, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Tennessee, in all which States the Lincoln process of "reconstruction" is in various stages of advance. It stigmatizes, too, the costly and bloody experiment upon Florida, as a great political blunder, no less than a military failure and an official crime.

’ Simultaneously with the outbreak of these signs of discontent with Mr. Lincoln is the sudden development of a wide-spread concert of effort among the friends of the Secretary of the Treasury to have him nominated by the National Convention over Mr. Lincoln, on grounds boldly stated, which read very much like charges against Mr. Lincoln's Administration, and which, if uttered two years ago, would have subjected a Democrat to the perils of a midnight arrest by a file of soldiers, and confinement during the will of the President in some military dungeon. I mentioned in my last the circular issued by a committee at Washington of the friends of Mr. Chase, of which U. S. Senator Pomeroy, of Kansas, was Chairman, which was the first public breaking of ground in favor of Mr. Chase for the succession. It contained some severe reflections on Mr. Lincoln's capacity, and some offensive imputations against his administration as corrupt and feeble. It was met — not exactly answered — in the House of Representatives last Friday by a speech of Gen. Frank Blair, representative from the St. Louis city district, in Missouri, brother of Montgomery Blair, who is the Postmaster- General in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. It was a tremendous philippic against Secretary Chase, whom he denounced as a dangerous and ambitious intriguer, and boldly charged with corruption in office, saying that for the truth of the charge he held himself responsible as "a soldier, a gentleman, and a representative." Such language reminds one of the furious debates of the Mountain, during the stormy days of French Jacobinism.

I paid of Mr. Chase, a pamphlet has been issued by his friends, and circulated among the members of the Legislature of Ohio--Mr. Chase's State--to influence them against the nomination of Mr. Lincoln for re-election. It is said to be an emanation from the Central Committee of the supporters of Mr. Chase near the Department in Washington city. It contains a formidable recapitulation of the many reasons for the opinion that Mr. Lincoln ought not to be nominated, and if nominated cannot be elected without the use of unlawful and unconstitutional means, which it insinuates that he is apparently ready to use; and that his re-election, with or without such appliances, would be a public calamity. It asserts that the nation is weary of his feebleness and incapacity; charges that he has had no policy, but has been swayed to and fro by interested persons, or by considerations of personal interest in retaining office; draws an unfavorable comparison between him and President Davis; ridicules him as a "jocular President;" pronounces the epithet of "honest old Abe" as a cant, which was "at first amusing," then became ridiculous, and is now absolutely criminal; and calls for the nomination for President, in place of Mr. Lincoln, of "an advanced thinker, a statesman profoundly versed in political and economical science, one who fully comprehends the spirit of the age in which we live."

The name of this august coming man is not given, but the fingers which traced these lines were mentally describing the name of Salmon P. Chase.

The war grows thus in bitterness every day, and will continue until the nominations are made in June, if some convenient arrangement between the chief belligerents does not in the meantime furnish a plea for the reunion of the factions on one or the other of them, or on some third man who will engage to restore harmony by a reasonable provision out of the abundance of the spoils of success for the chiefs of both sides; of course, purely for the patriotic purpose of the better enabling them to save the nation.

You will observe that, in all this revolt against the Administration, there is not the slightest trace of reaction against the war, or against the wicked and cruel passions of which it is made the instrument, or the horrible purposes for which it has come to be waged, as a war of spoliation and extermination against a gallant people struggling heroically for independence. The stimulus to revolt is, on the contrary, simply another form of that frightful passion for power and plunder, and that shocking indifference to crime and carnage, which the war has developed as a national trait. The chiefs of the movement rather assail Mr. Lincoln, because they believe he sometimes hesitated before going forward in the career of violence, bloodshed, and spoliation — because he is suspected of having had a lurking willingness to close the rebellion, if possible, by restoring the States as they were with their original rights, if they could be induced or compelled to submit; and that it is not with his whole heart, and only for the chances of renewed power, that he has become the Radical which his recent measures would show him to be. They denounce a portion of his policy, not because it is unjust, inhuman, lawless, and tyrannical, but because it is selfishly devised for his own profit, and is employed to retain in his own hands the tremendous powers which they are eager to seize and clamorously pledged to employ, if they can attain them, with a fiercer and more unrelenting energy of destructiveness against the Southern people than Mr. Lincoln is capable of exerting.

It is history repeating itself. In all popular frenzies, when a nation goes mad, the demagogues who first excite them are speedily outstripped in zealotry by the disciples they made. Unless they march onward with the accelerated pace of the multitude, they are pushed out of their places and left by the wayside. When this conflict first commenced as a war of opinions, Mr. Seward was the radical whom constitutional and moderate men shunned as the most dangerous fanatic of the day, although his fanaticism was only a cold blooded calculation of political profit. The popular passions which he kindled got beyond his control, and undoubtedly went far beyond his original wishes, and he was left behind when the man of action was wanted. Mr. Lincoln was taken up in preference as the representative man of Northern designs against the South, and Mr. Seward, taunted and suspected, was dragged after Mr. Lincoln into excesses such as he had pronounced to be calumnies when imputed by his adversaries to be the inevitable consequences of his art of appeals to the frenzy of the fanatic and to the sordid appetites of the greedy. Now comes another brood of fiercer and greedier chiefs of furious factions, who are clamoring to set aside Mr. Lincoln, as Mr. Seward was set aside for Mr. Lincoln, for some more "advanced" prophet and statesman — the more violent faction always coming in to displace and absorb their rivals who may not, in the language of the Chase pamphlet, sufficiently "comprehend the spirit of the age."

There might be the hope of some possible good to come out of these quarrels among the wrangling factions of the dominant party if there were virtue enough among those who affect to oppose them on principle to seize the opportunity and use it courageously in an effort to restore the national sanity — in discouraging by every possible means the evil passions which made and which support this war, and invoking peace, even at the cost of giving up the struggle for territorial dominion over an unwilling people, and taking the broad ground that the first duty of the people is to stop this horrible bloodshed, and turn their sobered thoughts to repairing their own shattered institutions repairing and consolidating anew their own lost liberties, and laboring in patience to recover some portion of that social and material prosperity which they have recklessly cast away in the obstinate perpetration of a self-avenging wrong.

But there is no such courage or virtue in the Democratic party. There are a few men of rare qualities within it who give sane counsels, but they are overpowered and outvote in the organizations which direct the combined action of the party, and which are under the away of leaders who have not convictions strong enough to enable them to face a popular clamor, and are mostly mere traders in obsolete maxims and traditions for the sake of gaining power. These men are making haste, and taking the party along with them, to get rid, for the purposes of the coming Presidential election, of the apprehended odium that they, too, are not zealous for the unconditional prosecution of the war upon the Southern people. Ex-President Fillmore, the very type of conservatism, who has recently acted with the Democrats on general questions, expressed the whole idea in a brief passage of a speech recently made at a meeting at Buffalo for the sanitary relief to the soldiers. He declared for unrelenting war to the attainment of utter subjugation, leaving all questions of lenity and justice to be settled afterwards, and, in the meantime, an unreserved grant of all the men and money the Administration needs, "even though we may not always approve of the use that is to be made of either."

This is the political position of the Democratic party, and it is powerless for any possible good.

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