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Earl Russell and the Confederacy.

In a recent debate on the American question in the House of Lords, Earl Russell took occasion, and very gratuitously, to express the hope that the war now raging here would end in the abolition of slavery. It was not the first time that the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the British Cabinet illustrated his determined neutrality in the struggle on this continent, by uttering his anti-slavery sentiments in connection with the discussion of that subject. In what manner is the abolition wish of this disinterested and philanthropic Minister to be accomplished? It would be an interesting inquiry for some of the opposition members to propound to the magnanimous Earl. He could not expect it to be achieved, save in the over running and subjugation of the Southern States; and when he expresses the ardent desire for the one, he inevitably prays for the other. In what other way could the hoped for event come about? It may be said that the war may so exhaust both parties, that they may be content to hearken to the remonstrances of Foreign nations, who, as umpire, might settle a peace between them, by a separation of the South from the North, on the condition of the abolition of slavery. Does any man in the North, or in the South, believe that possible? No, not one. Whenever the question is propounded, it will be seen, at once, how much sincerity there is in the Yankee protestations that they are fighting to liberate the slaves. The philanthropic professions of the hypocritical North are merely designed to enlist European sympathies, and to conceal the rapacious and malignant spirit which is at the bottom of the invasion; and the proposition to let us alone, provided we will give up the slaves, would be indignantly repudiated by them.--It is needless to say that it would be as promptly rejected by the South, which is determined, as long as it has an arm to lift up to strike its assailant and to defend its rights, that it will submit to dictation from no quarter and from no power on earth. Our own domestic concerns are to be settled by our own laws, and public opinion within our own boundaries. We shall never allow intermeddling from beyond those boundaries, and, least of all, shall we hold parley with such hypocritical philanthropists as Earl Russell.

This is quite enough to settle the matter, so far as we are concerned, against any possibility of accommodating Earl Russell by means of intervention. Therefore, there is no mode by which he could be gratified save by our utter subjugation, and that is what we believe he desires. His course on every subject, in which our interests are involved, betrays his real sentiments, not to take into consideration the occasional expression of such a wish as that alluded to in this article. Very naturally his aversion to the South drives him to the side of her enemy, to whom he has humbled the British Lion on several occasions, until his own countrymen are disgusted with his want of spirit and the disingenuousness with which he essays to explain his truckling and timidity, whenever he is arraigned by Seward.

Independent of the right of the South to manage her own affairs in her own way; her determination to allow no dictation as long as she has the power of resistance, and the closing of the question of abolition completely on that ground, she is vindicated and justified on every other imaginable ground: moral, civil, and social — and could not on any of them permit any interference, even though under the guise of friendship. The Power for whom this philanthropic Minister now manages the foreign relations, established, through the cooperation of the Dutch and the Yankees, the institution of slavery on this continent, and established it against the earnest protestations of the people of the South. Aye, and they established it under the impulse of that worst of vices, Avarice — the profits of the trade to the crown and to English traders; and therefore turned a deaf ear to the remonstrances of our ancestors. Being established, and becoming a part of the social and political order in these realms, its extirpation even if desirable, is impossible, without such a convulsion that could not and would no be submitted to. If there is anything wrong in it, however, let the blame rest on the British Government, and on that most monstrously hypocritical of all nations, the Yankees. --Neither the weal of the negro, nor of the white race of the South, could in any wise he promoted by the measure of abolition. No better illustration of this need be desired than the fate of the British West Indies. The impossibility of such a measure — of changing the relation of the blacks and the whites while they remain in the same land, and of accomplishing the mighty undertaking of their transportation and colonization — is well understood here, and may be appreciated by any impartial investigator. Well may a distinguished British statesman say that it would take a thousand Great Eastern to export them. But it would be the cruelest deed to humanity that ever was perpetrated, to place these blacks on a strange soil to take care of themselves.--Witness the recent futile attempt of the Yankees to send a colony of Southern slaves to Hayti. They were not suited for the association with Haytiens, who were, to those civilized and humanized blacks, intolerable barbarians. Disgusted and dispirited, they returned, even to the frigid and inhospitable shores of Massachusetts, rather than remain! There they were put in the Yankee army! Their story is sad. A fourth of their number is said to have perished on the voyage to and fro — packed, as they were, in a small vessel, and subjected to every discomfort and suffering that a voyage to the tropics, thus confined, could occasion. But this is not the time to discuss the question. It will develop itself in due time. The tragic fate of those whom the Yankees have invelgled from the South, will tell a story, after this war, that the world will never forget.

But as for the matter of philanthropy for the laboring classes, the distinguished Foreign Minister, Earl Russell, many find a rich field for his canting hypocrisy at home. Let him examine the manufactories and mines of his own kingdom, with their ill-fed and hard worked operatives — let him look into the dens of squalid wretchedness in his own great cities — let him contemplate that suffering, that oppression, that denial of justice, that hunger and starvation under the very noses of the rich and the proud nobility, who fare sumptuously, and are clothed in purple and fine linen — let him study, at his own doors, these subjects, which have illumined with burning eloquence the pages of Dickens, and have given us the "Song of the Shirt;"--let him do this, and he will have enough to do.--

Were hold retire from the preunion which he disgraces, and in which he disgraces England, and put himself to work to secure to each laborer in Great Britain--may we not add, and Ireland?--as much meat and bread as is given to the negro in the Southern States, he would do the cause of humanity more service than he has done in all his life, and would give that proof by his acts of the faith that is in him, that would be considered satisfactory. "And why beholdest thou the mote that is in thy brother's eye; but perceivest not the beam that is in thine own eye? Thou hypocrite, cast out first the beam that is in thine own eye, and then thou shalt see clearly to pull out the mote that is in thy brother's eye."

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