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Secretary Seward, in his late serenade speech to the loyal subjects of Abraham I., took occasion to sneer at the Government of the Confederate States, which he calls a poor, ricketty concern, by no means to be compared with the splendid Autocracy which makes its home in the stupendous places and marble halls of Washington. Like all his countrymen, Seward despises everything which does not bear the external mark and visible sign of power. Grandeur of soul, firmness of resolve, disinterested patriotism that spurns all sordid considerations — these are what neither he nor they can comprehend. The moral sublime — that greatness which consists in acting upon principle and suffering any amount of evil for principle's sake — is to them all as five pages of a sealed book. They cannot read it, and feel no desire to know what it means. They are of the earth, earthy. The expression, always in their mouths, "it won't pay," affords a complete picture, in words, of the whole Yankee generation. Had that race existed in the time of the apostles, it is easy to understand what sort of estimate they would have placed upon them. They would have set them down as a poor, mean-spirited crew of twaddlers, who had the folly to go about the world enduring stripes, imprisonment, pain, and, eventually, death, for the sake of a cause from which they could never hope to derive wealth or station, or influence, neglecting all the opportunities which presented themselves to "make their pile" and acquire a residence in "Fifth Avenue." They never could have been made to understand that they were not fools for so zealously devoting themselves to the promotion of a religion "which did not pay," and they would have been sure to have suspected secret motives, not believing the existence of such feelings as disinterestedness and a desire to do good without a consideration possible. Mr. Seward despises the Government at Richmond because its Congress does not sit in an enormous marble structure, built out of the money contributed, in far the greater proportion, by the States which are excluded from it. He despises the Executive because its residence is in a house built for a private citizen. He despises the whole Government because its departments and bureaux hold their offices in brick buildings instead of marble oiles. Perhaps, if he will take the trouble, when he passes again through Philadelphia, to take a look at old Independence Hall, he may be cured of some of his fallacies — that is, if he desires to be thus cured. Surely our Capitol, though not in the best possible taste, is a superior building to that, or to the room in Annapolis in which Congress was sitting when it received the commission of Washington, resigned to the hand that gave it after seven years of glorious and successful toil. Nay, we are told it is greatly superior to St. Stephen's chapel (before it was burnt and rebuilt), in which the British House of Commons sat for several hundred years, and in which originated all the great measures that have made England what she is.--With all its marble (paid for out of Southern money), the New Capitol at Washington never heard so wise a man speak as of old, or Burke of later times, or so eloquent a man as St. John and Chatham in the last century, or Pitt and Fox in this. It never beheld a ceremony so august as the trial and condemnation of a King by the representatives of a nation, or of a pro- consul for the misgovernment of fifty millions of subjects, or of a Queen Consort for alleged high crimes and misdemeanors. It is not encircled with the half of a thousand years, big as it is, fine as the attempt has been to make it. Its whole history is modern and vulgar, like the taste in which it was conceived and the low-brod Yankees that desecrate its halls and purlieus. --Our President's House, again, is a very good residence — as good as Washington ever inhabited. It has, moreover, one advantage over the "White House," which we cannot expect Mr. Seward to appreciate; but which, nevertheless, let him think as he may, is an advantage. It is inhabited by a gentleman. That, we take it is more than even Mr. Seward can say for the filthy jackanapes that pollutes the air of the White House with his obscene jests and ribald anecdotes. Whatever can be said against Jeff. Davis, his bitterest enemies will not deny, at least, that he is a gentleman.--Whatever can be alleged in favor of Abe Lincoln his warmest friends cannot pretend that he is a gentleman. We would call to Mr. Seward's recollection, when he allows himself to indulge so largely in contempt for the poor accommodations of our Government, that our Saviour was born in is manger, were we not well that particular example is perhaps the last that would have any weight with a gentleman far too learned and enlightened to have any respect for religion or its author. Mr. Seward is of the modern school. He leaves all ridiculous prejudices of this character to such ridiculous old fogies as Washington and his compeers, who were fools enough to believe that there is a God and that man is accountable hereafter for what he does now. After all, we do not think it in very good taste to deride the Confederate Government or to make light of its achievements. If it be "a ricketty concern" what must be the concern which it has defied for four years, and defied so successfully, that after calling three millions of men into the field, and shedding the blood of one million of them in vain, it has not advanced one step in effecting its subjugation? If Mr. Seward had tried, he could not have drawn a more contemptible picture of the Federal Government. What! A Government with 23,000,000 subjects, three millions of which have been in arms, or are now, with six hundred ships of war and sixty thousand sailors, with the commerce of the whole world open to it, with the most profuse supply of arms, ammunition, and all the appliances of war, not able to subdue four millions of "rebels," who, at the beginning of the war, had not a ship, nor a soldier, nor a sailor, nor a pound of powder, nor a single long-ranged gun, and was, besides, shut out from communication with the whole world! And the Government which it is found thus impossible to subdue "a ricketty" Government! What, then, we again ask, must be the Government attempting the subjugation? For his own purposes, Seward still adroitly evades the giving to this war its true proportions. These mighty States are expected, or he pretends they are expected, after this tremendous war, to come in like the small and insignificant band of tories after the Old Revolution! Eleven States, the most uniform and determined in opinion and resistance, are thus likened to the small fractional parties of a single State. And all this for the purpose of keeping up the war against whole States, proclaiming those States to be rebels! The man knows that the resistance of a whole people is not insurrection; but it suits his purpose to make it thus appear.
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