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Yankee diplomatic Papers.

The diplomatic correspondence of the Yankee Government for the year 1864 is published. There is very little in it which has not been made public before. We find, however, some of Seward's correspondence with his Minister in London, which is now. We give two letters:


Seward to Adams on the rebellion.

Mr. Seward, in a letter to Mr. Adams, dated April 21, 1864, says:

‘ "Sir: I have received your confidential dispatch of the 8th of April, No. 651, together with a copy of the London Times, which contains the reason assigned by the Law Lords for their decision dismissing the appeal of the Alexandra. I have expressed in a letter to Mr. Evarts the views I have taken of the course to be pursued in that subject in London, and I have transmitted to you a copy of that communication.


Our relations with England.

"I have submitted to the President the reflections upon the temper and disposition of the British nation as they are affected by our civil war, with which you have favored me. The correctness of your views is established by the fact that the insurgents manifestly have a bold, vigorous and effective party in both Houses of Parliament, and in the British press, which party is confessedly influential in the general administration of public affairs, while the United States seem to have in the British Legislature and in the British press no advocates or defenders, except persons who, however great their ability and wealth, are nevertheless practically excluded from the conduct of national affairs. There is, moreover, a marked habit prevailing in Great Britain of comparing British resources and achievements with American resources and achievements, and this is done so unnecessarily, and often in a spirit so illiberal, as to indicate a sense of rivalry.

"Our civil war has endured for three years. It has necessarily brought up many irritating and perplexing questions between the two countries. I think it would be safe to say that no belligerent State ever bore itself more forbearing towards a neutral Power, whose subjects committed so many injuries and provocations, than we have done towards Great Britain. I think it equally clear that no neutral Power was ever more unyielding and more exacting towards a belligerent than Great Britain has been towards the United States. Your inference from this condition of things is that this Government must apply itself with the greatest possible energy to bring the civil war to a speedy and triumphant conclusion, or else it may have reason to expect conflict with Great Britain and with her allies. While, however, we accept this wise counsel, it would be unjust on my part towards the Treasury, War and Navy Departments, if I were to withhold the expression of a thorough and deliberate conviction that the war is conducted with all the energy and skill which any administration of the Government of the United States, in their circumstances, could command.

"The conflict is indeed a great one, and the ideas and interests which sustain the parties engaged in it render it fierce and obstinate. We must, therefore, accept the case as it is — a case of severe domestic trial, with continual danger of foreign intervention. We have before us but one line of duty — that is, the way of perseverance. It is the course we have pursued hitherto. It will save us now, unless we are to be lost. That this nation can be lost is a conclusion that neither our virtue nor our patriotism, nor even our reason, can accept.

"I will not say how great our confidence in the opening campaign is.--Events are so near that we can no more wisely wait for them than anticipate them. Nor can we prudently forget that, of all human transactions, those of war are, in their sequences the most uncertain and capricious, although the ultimate results are a subject of political calculation. We have the conviction that the national cause is in a far stronger condition now than it has been at any previous stage of the civil war, while the disunion forces seem weaker than at any time heretofore. The maritime Powers, whose interference is to be apprehended if we should be unfortunate, seem to me to be somewhat less at liberty to engage against us now than they have hitherto been.

"I think it certain that we have more friends and fewer enemies abroad now than we have had at former periods of the war. Thus time seems to be favoring us, and time is always the best friend of justice and truth. Nor is it necessary to suppress the convictions that, pacific as the temper of the American people is, yet that the efforts and sacrifices which they have hitherto made are inconsiderable compared with what they would make if now assailed by a foreign enemy. Practically there is no longer a hearing in the country for a man who counsels fear of the enemy at home; much less would there be a hearing for one who should counsel submission to aggression from abroad. These are the grounds upon which the President builds his hope that we shall pass safely through the trials which are before us."

Seward on the Mexican Empire.
Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams:

"Department of State, " Washington, May 3, 1864.
Sir:
[No. 937.]

"Sir: I thank you very sincerely for your dispatch of the 15th of April, No. 660, which contains information particularly new and interesting in regard to the proceedings which have culminated in the departure of the Archduke Maximilian from Trieste, with the intention to establish an Imperial monarchy in Mexico. Every thinking observer must be fully satisfied; even without special evidence, that those events had their origin in a conspiracy of Mexicans against the independence and freedom of their own country. Nevertheless, it will be fortunate for the future of Mexico, and for the cause of Republican Government there, if the history you have given me of the details of the conspiracy shall soon become generally known.

"You have very clearly explained the motives and sentiments which have induced so many of the influential statesmen and authorities of Europe to favor the subversion of the Mexican Republic. All these motives and sentiments resolve themselves into a jealousy of the advancement of the United States. Their great prosperity and progress have necessarily provoked this political antagonism. You very justly lament the pertinacity with which the American people continue their suicidal division in pre

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