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Late and important from Europe.

Advices from Europe to the 11th instant have been received.

Great Britain.

In the House of Commons, on the 9th instant, Lord Robert Cecil asked whether any demands had been received by the foreign office from the American Government or the American Ambassador, demanding compensation for losses occasioned to American citizens by the Alabama or other vessels commissioned by the American Government of the Confederate States.

Mr. Layard said that there had been no demand of the kind made during the last six months.

Mr. Bright asked whether the Government had not received numerous claims from English subjects against the Government of the United States, on account of transactions during the war, and whether they were intended to be forwarded by the Government.

Mr. Layard said the Government had received claims of this character, and they had been forwarded.

Mr. F. Peel, in reply to Mr. Baxter, said that two vessels, not quite seventeen years old, were still employed by the British and North American Royal Mail Company (Cunard line); but there had been no complaint as to any delay on that account in the postal service.--With respect to the future arrangements, the contract would not expire until the end of 1867; but the select committee on postal contracts had expressed an opinion that no subsidy was now necessary for this line, and that there could be a very efficient postal service without any further subsidy. When the time came, this view of the committee would not be lost sight of.

The London times Forecasting possible war between England and the United States.

The Times, in the course of an elaborate examination of the fall of consols below the point which they held when everything abroad and at home seemed much less prosperous for England than now, says:

‘ But has that "cloud" in the West anything to do with it? Is it just possible that people hold back from investing in consols at eighty-nine, because they fancy the day is not very distant when they will be able to buy millions at eighty-five? It is not a pleasant subject, but when it is discussed so freely and openly there, we may be excused a word or two here. Is there a certain misgiving, and an almost unconscious presentiment, of something in that quarter, which will at once change the whole aspect of our commerce and our finance? Something like it was confessed last year as a reason for not rushing into a gratuitous crusade for the rescue of Denmark. Since that, there has been a little more plain speaking, and the veil has been so far lifted up from the future that we know the only terms on which the United States will ever agree. One of their orators said the other day that a man who was afraid was already half whipped, and if we bear in silence the continual menace of the uplifted lash our courage must gradually ooze out.--The Stock Exchange, possibly, feels the threat so far as to anticipate the probability of our having to resist. No doubt it would be a costly war, for we should have to resume our old part as paymaster, subsidizer, and purveyor of all things needful for the war. What fleets, what transports, what ordnance, what ammunition, what stores would have to run the gauntlet of American cruisers between our own ports and our American colonies! No doubt we could raise a hundred millions for this purpose as easily as we raised them for the defence of Turkey. We should do it, perhaps, with more pleasure. But we suspect we should have to double the figure before we had attained to that self-satisfaction of victory sufficient to make us hold our hands. Perhaps it is some such second-sight that forces itself on the mental vision of our fellow-citizens in their most prophetic moods, and keeps consols down below 90.

The Relations between the United States and great Britain.

[From the Daily News, March 10.] It is time to introduce a little reason into the discussion of this and similar questions; time that the language in which they are treated in newspapers should become conformable to the usages by which civilized nations regulate their intercourse. That claims on England by the United States, and on the United States by England, should have grown out of this war was inevitable, and our spirited blockade-runners have done their best to increase both their number and importance. The statesmen of both countries have to accept this state of things, and to render it as harmless as possible. Claims will be preferred on both sides, some of which will be admitted, while others will be challenged in whole or in part, and will then become the subject of negotiation. We have, indeed, seen it stated within these few days that it is the business of English statesmen to see that we are not placed under the "penance" of having claims urged upon us that we cannot admit. This is a pretension to be exempt from the ordinary lot of all communities. It is needless to say that no rational Englishman expects such a service from our public men. Our Government has only to persevere in its present course, acting fairly and honorably, and repelling all unjust pretensions. It will then command the support of a united and patriotic people, and we shall not need to disquiet ourselves, although our neighbors should become unreasonable.

[from the morning Star.]

The gossip which is maintained in the city about the probability of a war with America is probably, in some cases, assiduously fostered for business purposes; but any genuine alarm appears to be confined to those who were the most scrupulous Confederate partisans. They seem to feel that, having exhibited as much hostility as they possibly could against the United States, a hostile sentiment on the part of that nation may be expected in return. But they may calm their fears. The policy of great nations is not shaped in accordance with the partisanship and animosities of individuals. The course of the British Government, during the war, has been determined by the policy and interest of the country at large, and not according to the fanatical sympathies of a portion of the people. So will it be with the American Government, should the rebellion be soon put down. The fire-eaters of New York may utter loud threats — especially if they perceive from the tone of the journals which supported the South that a contemptible fear has now taken possession of them; but the Government of the United States and the vast majority of the nation will be too heartily glad of peace when it comes to think of bolstering up a quarrel against a nation fifty times more formidable than the South.

The Times, editorial, thinks if the Confederate Government remains firm, and if there is no renewal of the conference, the Washington Government will endeavor to draw back the States singly by negotiations with each one separately, and that Lincoln may be more conciliatory than to the Richmond Cabinet.


The Duke de Morny died on the 10th instant.

The correspondent of the Morning Star says: ‘"It is asserted that a remonstrance has been sent to the French Government, by the United States Minister in Paris, as to the clandestine shipment of Confederate recruits on board the Rappahannock, stationed at Calais. These men had arrived from Liverpool, having been part of the crew of the Southern ship Florida."’

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