previous next

Demosthenes returns with rich booty to Athens. Peace and alliance between the Ambraciols on the one side and the Acarnanians and Amphilochians on the other.

μετὰ ταῦτα: i.e. after the departure of the Ambracian herald, and the rejection of the proposition of Demosthenes to attack Ambracia.—

νείμαντες: sc. οἱ Ἀκαρνᾶνες, as the real belligerents. Cf. c. 112. 31.—2.

κατὰ τὰς πόλεις: in ii. 78. 4; v. 114. 4; vii. 19. 5, κατὰ πόλεις is used in the same connexion, and so Cobet (Mnem. N. S. viii. p. 144) would write here.— 3.

πλέοντα: of things, as freq. ἐκπλεῖν and ἐσπλεῖν (c. 51. 11; Dem. xx. 31). —

ἑάλω: by whom and how the rich booty was taken is not stated, perhaps because its capture was not strictly an event of the war.—4.

ἀνακείμενα: pf. pass. of ἀνατίθημι. Cf. ξύγκειται, i. 22. 20.—

ἐξῃρέθησαν: pl. agreeing with the appos. πανοπλίαι. Kr. Spr. 63, 1, 3. This meaning of the word occurs already in Homer (Δ 627; η 10).—5.

ἄγων αὐτὰς κατέπλευσε: sc. ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας. Cf. ii. 103. 3. These words balance πλέοντα ἑάλω (3). While the ships bearing the rest of the booty were captured, Demosthenes reached Athens safely with his share of the spoils. Since, acc. to l. 8, the twenty Athenian triremes of c. 105. 15 returned to Naupactus, the ships bearing the booty seem to have been insufficiently or not at all protected by war-ships.—6.

καὶ ἐγένετο ἅμα kte(.: the brilliant success of Demosthenes not only brought him rich spoils, but rendered his return to Athens ἀδεεστέρα.—τῆς Αἰτωλίας: = ἐν τῇ Αἰτωλίᾳ. The fact that in later times the simple gen. was felt to be unusual doubtless caused the readings ἐκ τῆς Αἰτωλίας (Laur. and Palat.; cf. c. 102. 10) and ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ (inferior Mss.).—

ἀπό: in consequence of. Cf. c. 64. 5; ii. 62. 28.— 7.

ταύτης τῆς πράξεως: πρᾶξις, in Thuc. only here and vi. 88. 57. On πράξεις in the interpolated passage i. 39. § 3, see App. on i. 39. 15. The reference is to the brilliant repulse of the Ambracian-Peloponnesian attack upon Acarnania and Amphilochia.—

ἀδεεστέρα: with less apprehension. Cf. c. 98. 26 Δημοσθένης περὶ Ναύπακτον καὶ τὰ χωρία ταῦτα ὑπελείφθη, τοῖς πεπραγμένοις φοβούμενος τοὺς Ἀθηναίους. The expression ἀδεεστέρα, however, does not necessarily prove that the Aetolian disaster had no unpleasant consequences for Demosthenes. To it may have been due the fact that the next summer Demosthenes was ἰδιώτης (iv. 2. 14). Indeed, if one take literally the words in iv. 2. 14 Δημοσθένει ὄντι ἰδιώτῃ μετὰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν τὴν ἐξ Ἀκαρνανίας, and add the fact that, acc. to Arist. Ἀθ. πολ. 44 (p. 116 Kenyon), the election of στρατηγοί took place at earliest in the seventh prytany of the year, the inference seems possible that Demosthenes was not left in office even till the usual time of change of στρατηγοί. For since the Amphilochian campaign began early in the winter (cf. c. 102. § 7; 105. § 1) and was of short duration, the return of Demosthenes to Athens must have occurred before mid-winter.

οἱ ἐν ταῖς εἴκοσι ναυσὶν Ἀθηναῖοι: cf. c. 105. 15; 107. 3; 112. 25. —10.

τοῖς ὡς Σαλύνθιον kte(.: cf. c. 111. 18; 113. 2.—11.

ἀναχώρησιν . . . παρὰ Σαλυνθίου: ἀναχώρησιν ἐσπείσαντο, as in c. 109. 10. They now obtained by treaty an unmolested departure by sea. They had already succeeded in reaching, prob. through Aetolian territory, the friendly Oeniadae (c. 7. 11; 94. 7; ii. 102. 10), hoping to be able to embark there. This is the meaning of the passage as happily emended by G. Hermann, οἶπερ (for οἵπερ of the Mss.) καὶ μετανέστησαν παρὰ Σαλυνθίου (Σαλύνθιον, Mss.), whither they had withdrawn from Salynthius. καί, as in c. 86. 6; 98. 18. Oberhummer, Akarnanien, p. 112, conjectures ἐπ̓ Οἰνιαδῶν, but does not explain why the Ambraciots should have withdrawn, not home, but to Oeniadae. In ii. 82, which he cites, the situation was quite different, for then there was no difficulty about the withdrawal of the Peloponnesians by sea, since two Peloponnesian fleets were not far from Oeniadae.

ἑκατὸν ἔτη: without ἐς, as v. 47. 1. Cf. iv. 21. 17 σπονδὰς ποιήσασθαι ὁπόσον ἂν δοκῇ χρόνον ἀμφοτέροις, and ii. 73. 1; vi. 7. 8; iv. 114. 8.— 15.

ἐπὶ τοῖσδε: in ii. 70. 13 and Hdt. vi. 108. 25 ἐπὶ τοῖσδε is followed by the inf. without ὥστε, in viii. 18. 1 by the imv. The combination with ὥστε is unusual. Cf. Hdt. v. 65. 11 ἐπ̓ οἶσι . . . ὥστε, vii. 154. 18 ἐπὶ τοισίδε . . . ἐπ̓ . The conditions are those of a defensive alliance, ἐπιμαχία, as in i. 44. 8; v. 48. 8, and were evidently due to the treaties existing between the Ambraciots and Spartans and between the Acarnanians and Athenians.—16.

μετὰ Ἀκαρνάνων, Ἀκαρνᾶνας: without mention of the Amphilochians, which the author seems to have considered superfluous after the words Ἀκαρνᾶνες καὶ Ἀμφίλοχοι πρὸς Ἀμπρακιώτας (14). Besides, the Acarnanians were unquestionably the main force. Cf. c. 112. 31, and see on c. 1. 1; ii. 13. 1.—

στρατεύειν: as opp. to βοηθεῖν, of the offensive, as rightly recognized by X. in Philol. Anz. xiii. p. 303. Cf. v. 48. 8 ἀλλήλοις βοηθεῖν, ξυνεπιστρατεύειν δὲ μηδενί, and v. 47. 42 στρατεύεσθαι.—18. βοηθεῖν τῇ ἀλλήλων: sc. γῇ, as in i. 44. 8. X. (l.c.) would supply, “against the Peloponnesians, or the Athenians, as the case might be.” Steup, who thinks the idea is, “under all circumstances,” suggests that καὶ πάντως (cf. v. 41. 19; vi. 20. 1) has dropped out before the following καί. The sense is doubtless as Steup suggests, but it seems unnecessary to suppose that anything has been lost.—19.

ὁμήρους: the reading adopted since Bk. for the meaningless ὁμόρους of most of the Mss. These are included in the ὁπόσα, the hostages being one of the means whereby the Amphilochians ὑπὸ Ἀμπρακιωτῶν βίᾳ κατείχοντο, c. 107. 9.—

ἐπὶ Ἀνακτόριον μὴ βοηθεῖν: not to come to the aid of Anactorium. See on c. 97. 14.—

Ἀνακτόριον: cf. i. 55. 2; ii. 9. 9; 80. 18, 24; 81. 12; iv. 49. 2.

διέλυσαν τὸν πόλεμον: also viii. 46. 2.—

Κορίνθιοι . . . ἀπέστειλαν: Corinth was the ‘mother-city’ of Ambracia (cf. ii. 80. 15 ξυμπροθυμούμενοι μάλιστα τοῖς Ἀμπρακιώταις ἀποίκοις οὖσι). The precaution was taken doubtless because Ambracia was so much weakened. See on c. 113. 26.—

φυλακήν: i.e. as a garrison.—22.

ἑαυτῶν: i.e. of their own citizens, as in i. 26. 4; 61. 3; 64. 9.—

ἐς τριακοσίους

ὁπλίτας: for the prepositional phrase representing an acc., see on c. 20. 11; 111. 17.—23.

Ξενοκλείδαν: Doric form. Without doubt the στρατηγός of i. 46. 7.—24.

κομιζόμενοι χαλεπῶς: i.e. by a difficult march.—25.

τὰ μὲν κατ̓ Ἀμπρακίαν οὕτως ἐγένετο: conclusion of the account of the fortunes of Ambracia, which have been carefully followed since ii. 68. § 1. The formula is similar to that with regard to Lesbos c. 50. 15, and Plataea, c. 68. 31. τὰ μέν without καί, as in c. 50. 15.

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 United States License.

An XML version of this text is available for download, with the additional restriction that you offer Perseus any modifications you make. Perseus provides credit for all accepted changes, storing new additions in a versioning system.

hide References (17 total)
  • Commentary references from this page (17):
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.1
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.102
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.105
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.107
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.109
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.111
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.112
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.113
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.20
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.50
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.51
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.64
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.68
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.7
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.86
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.97
    • Thucydides, Histories, 3.98
hide Display Preferences
Greek Display:
Arabic Display:
View by Default:
Browse Bar: