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legislation, however, the Governor received little aid or comfort.
His most active lieutenant in contemplated treason was Simon B. Buckner, who about a year before had succeeded in obtaining the passage of a rather energetic militia law, under which the Governor appointed him Inspector-General and ranking commander in the State.
It was his and the Governor's project to put into the field and manipulate the State guard which this law authorized, so as to precipitate Kentucky into rebellion.
The Legislature, ignoring the Governor's request for a State Convention, addressed itself mainly to the task of turning the influence and support of the militia system from secession to union.
A bill was framed and became a law May 24th, authorizing a loan of one million to purchase arms and munitions, but associating a controlling Union Board of Commissioners with the Governor to regulate its disbursement and the distribution of arms; authorizing the formation of Home Guards for local defence; and while it provided that the arms and munitions should not be used against the United States, nor against the Confederate States, unless to protect Kentucky against invasion — it required that both officers and men of the Home Guards and State Guards should alike swear to support the Constitution of the United States and of Kentucky--the former law having required such an oath from the officers alone.
While Kentucky was thus settling down into an attitude of official neutrality, active popular undercurrents were busy in contrary directions.
The more ardent secession leaders who raised companies to serve in the field, despairing of obtaining commissions, arms, and active duty from Governor Magoffin, quietly departed to obtain enlistment in the various rebel camps of the South.
On the other hand, there were many unconditional Unionists in Kentucky who
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