[
286]
Chapter 19: the battle of Antietam; I succeed Sedgwick in command of a division
The two columns of the Army of the Potomac, fighting their way through Turner's Gap and Crampton Pass and pressing their pursuit of
Lee, debouched into the valley west of the mountains; one appeared at
Boonsboro and the other southward at
Rohrersville.
The stretch of valley from
Boonsboro to the
Potomac is named the
Antietam Valley, because the
Antietam, a small river which runs near
Hagerstown and a little east of
Sharpsburg, enters the
Potomac a few miles below.
The general course of this crooked stream is south.
September 15th, the day after the defeat at Turner's Gap,
Lee rapidly gathered his material and troops upon the peninsula which is formed by the
Antietam and the
Potomac.
The bends of the
Potomac cause the intercepted space to be broadened here and there, yet, higher upstream, the neck of the peninsula is scarcely two miles across.
The country around
Sharpsburg is fertile and beautiful and afforded
Lee special advantages as a position in which to halt and stand on the defensive till he could gather in his several scattered columns.
A main road, the
Sharpsburg Pike, coming across the
Potomac at
Shepherdstown where there was a good ford, ran northeast through
Sharpsburg, crossed
[
287]
the
Antietam by a stone bridge, and kept on through
Boonsboro.
Another, the
Hagerstown Pike, divided the peninsula by a north and south trend.
One other important highway divided the southeast angle of the other two bisecting roads; from
Sharpsburg, as an apex, this road crossed the
Antietam at
Burnside's bridge and forked when it reached higher ground; the upper fork led to
Rohrersville and the other ran south into the
Harper's Ferry road.
A few miles above the regular crossing was a zigzag country road --sometimes named “the diagonal.”
It intersected the
Antietam at
Newkirk and passed from pike to pike.
As the Antietam River, from
Newkirk to its mouth, had steep banks and scarcely any practicable fords, it was to
Lee just the obstacle he needed to cover his front.
He located
D. H. Hill and
Longstreet on the right and left of the main pike, while he sent off
Hood's division to the left.
The convenient curves of the
Potomac would protect his flanks as soon as he had men enough to fill the space.
At first he did not have more than 25,000 men on the ground; but with considerable artillery he was able to so arrange his batteries as to defend the bridges and cover all approaches from the
Antietam to
Sharpsburg.
In fact, he had a surplus of cannon and so sent an artillery reserve across the
Potomac to protect the fords in his rear.
He found for his use in that uneven country rocky heights, favorable ravines, deep-cut roads, abundant fences of rail and stone, buildings, and well-located strips of woodland.
Dunker Chapel was near a hotly contested spot, being equidistant from Newkirk Bridge, the
Potomac upper bend, and
Sharpsburg.
It was quite enveloped
[
288]
by a small forest that stretched off for a half mile toward the
Potomac.
People called this forest “the
Dunker Woods.”
No prize of chivalry was ever more desperately contended for than this locality.
East of the
Hagerstown Pike, and still farther north near Dunbar's Mills, was a large, open grove called “the East Woods.”
That grove was the left of
Lee's first temporary line.
McClellan, seeing that
Franklin was detained by
McLaws, who, having now the impregnable
Maryland Heights, was able to avoid battle, ordered
Franklin to
Antietam.
McLaws, quick to notice
Franklin's departure, crossed the
Potomac twice and reached
Lee at
Sharpsburg at the same hour that
Franklin reported to
McClellan.
The column to which I belonged pushed forward its head as rapidly as possible from
Boonsboro to the east bank of the Antietam.
During that first day, September 15th, only two divisions,
Richardson's and
Sykes's, drew sufficiently near to receive the enemy's fire.
Eager as
McClellan was to engage
Lee before
Jackson and other detachments could get back to him,
Lee's bold attitude and evident preparation forced him to wait, to reconnoiter and get up force enough to attack.
Putting together the sickness ana discouragements that followed our
second Bull Run and the
Harper's Ferry disaster, nobody will wonder that our army had many stragglers between
Washington and the
Antietam.
Even our moderate successes at
South Mountain produced much additional weariness and wilfulness with some indifference and slowness on the part of certain officers holding important commands.
These suggestions account for unusual delays in the marches
[
289]
which
McClellan had ordered, as well as for the comparatively small force assembled as late as the morning of the 16th to take the offensive.
McClellan had hoped for a prompt attack on overtaking
Lee, certainly by nine o'clock of the 16th.
But, coming forward himself to the front, he did not order an immediate assault.
He could not at first get
Burnside with his left wing to understand or execute what he wished.
His own information was too incomplete.
He had word that
Jackson was already returned to
Lee, so that there was no longer need of precipitation.
Later, he found that
McLaws did not join the main army till the morning of the 17th,
Anderson's division afterwards; and
A. P. Hlll's, left at
Harper's Ferry to finish the work there, was still later on the ground.
From want of previous knowledge and from a natural desire that
Franklin and
Couch should close up to swell his numbers,
McClellan delayed action till late in the afternoon of the 16th.
Hooker's corps,
Mansfield's in support, and then
Sumner's, were destined for the right column.
Burnside's command, consisting of four divisions with plenty of artillery to help him, was given the work of storming the lower stone bridge which now bears his name.
Porter's or
Franklin's troops, or such as could be brought up in time from
Pleasant Valley, were to be held in hand for necessary reinforcement or for the direct central thrust, whenever that should become practicable.
The first movement in the way of executing the plan had to begin in plain sight of our watching foes.
They understood it from the start.
About 4 P. M.
Hooker's divisions, having previously worked far up the
Antietam, passed over that stream by a bridge and ford west
[
290]
of
Keedysville, crossings having been early secured and held for them by our cavalry.
General Hooker led his corps, evidently with a hope of completely turning
Lee's left, far away past Dunbar Mills.
Doubleday's division was in advance.
He had proceeded, perhaps, a couple of miles from the bridge and ford northwesterly when the enemy's skirmishers opened fire.
Hooker at once faced his command to the left and deployed his lines.
The
Pennsylvania reserves under
Meade formed the center,
Doubleday's to the right, and
Ricketts's division to the left of
Meade.
Hood's division of Confederates with assisting batteries held the “East woods” and was
vis-a-vis to
Hooker.
D. H. Hill extended
Hood's line down toward the
Antietam.
Jackson's two divisions,
Lawton's and
J. R. Jones's, were by this time holding the “West woods” about Dunker Church.
Stuart with cavalry and considerable artillery was farther west than
Hood.
Without hesitation the
Pennsylvania reserves pressed the enemy and opened a brisk fusillade which was returned with equal spirit.
There was considerable musketry that evening and some artillery exchanges with apparent success to
Hooker.
About ten,
Jackson, finding
Hood's men overweary and hungry from a long fast, sent him two brigades and put in some fresh artillery, rectifying the lines as well as it could be done in the darkness of the night.
Hooker, sleepless at such a time, rearranged his batteries and their supports and had everything in order for an advance at the first glimmer of daylight.
Mansfield's supporting corps crossed the
Antietam where
Hooker did, but encamped through the night more than a mile in his rear; while our corps (
Sumner's), intended also for the support of
Hooker, was
[
291]
still far off near
McClellan's center, bivouacking by the
Boonsboro and Sharpsburg Turnpike and all the time within the reach of a disturbing artillery fire.
One fact quite impressed me there the evening of the 16th.
General Sedgwick, always a warm friend of
McClellan, and I were standing together and examining by help of our glasses
Lee's position beyond the river, when an officer in charge of
McClellan's headquarters' baggage train led his column of wagons to a pleasant spot on the slope, just behind us, in full view of our whole division.
The enemy sent a few bursting shells into his neighborhood.
This officer, much disturbed, quickly countermarched his train and hurried it off far out of range to the rear.
It was done amid the jokes and laughter of our men.
Sedgwick, seeing the move, shook his head and said solemnly: “I am sorry to see that l”
McClellan himself did not go back that night; but the men thought that he did. Some of his staff never could understand how easily in times of danger the
morale of an army may be injured.
For September 17th
Sumner's orders were for him to
be ready to march from camp one hour before daylight.
We were ready on time, but
McClellan's order of execution failed to reach us till 7.20 and then it embraced but two divisions,
Sedgwick's and
French's,
Richardson's being detained to await
Franklin's arrival.
Immediately our division (
Sedgwick's) moved off in good order to the upper crossings of the
Antietam, marching at the rate of at least three miles an hour.
As soon as we had crossed the small river, by
Sumner's arrangement we moved on in three parallel columns
[
292]
about seventy-five yards apart,
Dana's brigade in the middle, mine to the right, and
Gorman's to the left.
We pulled on rapidly in this shape till we came in sight of the
Dunbar Mills and our columns extended through the “East woods.”
Here every column faced to the left, making three brigade lines parallel to each other with
Gorman's in front and mine in rear.
We formed in an open space in which was a cornfield.
Promptly at the break of day the battle had begun.
Hooker's six batteries had started a roar resounding like thunder, being answered by a quick though not so noisy response, which, but for the return projectiles, would have passed for an echo of
Hooker's guns.
Then, hoping that his cannon had sufficiently opened the way,
Hooker had each division commander advance.
Doubleday, the first, astride of the
Hagerstown Turnpike, pressed forward in the grove as far as the crossroad.
But at once he encountered a heavy fire from both artillery and infantry as if it had been all fixed for them.
They did as troops usually do, delayed, stopped, and returned fire for fire with rapidity.
Meade, who had the heaviest force before him the night before, succeeded in making more progress than
Doubleday, firing and advancing slowly.
Ricketts's division, supporting the batteries to the left of it and materially aided by their fire, gained even more ground than
Meade.
But soon there was surging to and fro. The forces engaged on the two sides were about equal, and the losses of men, killed and wounded in
Hooker's corps, were startling.
Ricketts's division alone exceeded a thousand, while
Gibbon's small brigade counted nearly four hundred.
The
[
293]
Confederate losses were equally heavy, but our men did not then know that.
The depletion was so great that when there was at last not enough infantry to guard his battery,
Gibbon ordered it to limber to the rear and retire.
Soon he followed with his infantry on account of reduction of numbers and want of ammunition.
Hooker, however, persisted as usual, and, contrary to his first design, kept swinging to his own left and pressing forward.
It had the effect to dislodge
Jackson and
D. H. Hill from their first line, and at last to force them through the cornfields and open spaces into the “West woods.”
In this severe work
General Starke, having the “
Stonewall” division, and
Colonel Douglass, leading
Lawton's brigade, were killed.
Lawton himself and
Walker, brigade commanders, were sadly wounded.
At least half of the men whom
Lawton and
Hays led into battle were disabled.
Trimble's brigade suffered nearly as much.
All the
regimental commanders, excepting two, were killed or wounded.
This is enough to indicate the nature and severity of the struggle for those vital points, the “East” and the “West woods.”
About the time
Ricketts's enterprise succeeded in seizing the edge of the woods near Dunker Church,
Jackson brought in a fresh division and located it in those “West woods.”
It was harder for
Ricketts's men, for they had no such help.
Stuart, the Confederate cavalry commander, had his batteries ready, and the instant
Hooker's soldiers came into the open field brought a hurtful plunging fire to bear upon them.
There is no marvel in the fact that
Hooker's fine divisions were already much broken before emerging
[
294]
into the open, and now were fearfully handled and must soon have gone to pieces; but just then, though too late for better results, the supports came on in time to prevent anything worse.
Just as
Hooker's opponents were taking the offensive and about to make a charge
Mansfield, whom
Hooker had urgently called for, appeared on the ground with his corps.
It was then between seven and eight o'clock. Mansfield at first only reenforced
Hooker's lines and enabled him to recover a portion of his front that he had lately lost; but the troops went forward only to come back again.
Then the old general resolved to make a bold attack.
He formed in semicircular order with
Greene's division on the left and
Williams's on the right.
A brisk forward march was made like
Hooker's of the early morning and met similar obstinacy.
But under that impulsion the
Confederates were forced to retire; they were losing heavily, and even
Stonewall Jackson's command was driven beyond the Dunker Church, but the gallant
Mansfield, with his snowy white hair, while urging his troops in that charge, fell from his horse mortally wounded.
About that period of the battle
Lee, seeing little likelihood of
McClellan's left under
Burnside doing him much damage, almost stripped that quarter of troops.
In fact, he left there only
D. R. Jones and
Toombs with thin lines and rushed the rest forward to his center and left.
The distances were not great and the roads were good.
In fact, the entire Confederate line did not exceed three miles in length and so curved on the upper flank as to be easily cared for.
Hood, thus reinforced, now rested, and
D. H. Hill, having all his available troops with the advance, made a strong charge against
Mansfield's corps, which was not in
[
295]
good condition for defense, and which was at best but weakly supported by
Hooker's tired and broken divisions.
This Confederate move, backed by the fresh troops and batteries well located to sweep our lines, soon succeeded in breaking up and disorganizing the whole front.
The greater portion of our men of the two corps fell back to the “East woods” or northward to a grove on the
Hagerstown Turnpike.
Hooker, badly wounded, had left the field; and the two division commanders,
Hartsuff and
Crawford, were disabled.
What an hour before were — fine regiments now appeared in the edge of the woods and behind trees like squads irregularly firing toward the enemy.
The batteries that came with
Mansfield's corps were left almost alone, yet, unsupported, had checked that last Confederate charge and prevented the enemy from crossing the open ground between the “East” and “West woods.”
General George S. Greene, a tenacious officer, had, with a part of his division, clung to the “West woods” at a projection, and kept up for a time an effective firing.
This was the condition of affairs in that portion of the battlefield on our arrival.
I saw abundant evidence of the preceding conflict, surely not very encouraging to men just coming upon the field.
Too many were busying themselves in carrying their wounded comrades to the rear.
Sumner sent a staff officer to find the places where
Hooker's corps was to be found.
He came upon
General Ricketts, the only officer of rank left there, who declared that he couldn't raise 300 men of his corps for further work.
While at nine o'clock
Sumner with our division was preparing to take
[
296]
his turn in the battle,
Lee, as we have seen, had already sent troops to watch him.
Without waiting for
French's division, not yet near, or
Richardson's, still at the distant bivouac, with an extraordinary confidence in our column of brigades and caring nothing for flanks,
Sumner, with his gray hair streaming in the wind, rode to the leading brigade and ordered the advance.
We broke through the cornfield; we charged over the open space and across the turnpike and forward well into the “West woods” till
Gorman's line encountered the enemy's sharp musketry fire.
Then all halted.
Our three lines, each in two ranks, were so near together that a rifle bullet would often cross them all and disable five or six men at a time.
While
Gorman's brigade was receiving and returning shots, the waiting brigades,
Dana's and mine, naturally sought to protect themselves by taking advantage of the rocks, trees, and hollows, or by the old plan of lying down.
While I could hear the whizzing of the balls, the woods being thick thereabouts, I could see no enemy.
The first intimation which I had that neither
Greene's division, which had held the projection of the woods, nor
French's was covering our left flank, came from a visit of
Sumner himself.
He approached from the rear riding rapidly, having but two or three horsemen with him. The noise of the firing was confusing.
He was without his hat and with his arms outstretched motioned violently.
His orders were not then intelligible; but I judged that
Sedgwick's left had been turned and immediately sent the necessary orders to protect my flank by changing the front of my brigade to the left.
Those nearer to the general than I were confident that he said: “
Howard, you must get out of here,” or “
Howard, you must face about!”
[
297]
With troops that I had commanded longer I could have changed front, whatever
Sumner said; but here, quicker than I can write the words, my men faced about and took the back track.
Dana's line soon followed mine and then
Gorman's. When we reached the open ground
Sumner himself and every other officer of courage and nerve were exerting themselves to the utmost to rally the men, turn them back, and make head against the advancing enemy.
But it was simply impossible till we had traversed those cleared fields; for we now had the enemy's infantry and artillery in rear and on our flank against our broken brigades, pelting us with their rapid and deadly volleys.
That threeline advance had run
Sedgwick's division into a trap well set and baited.
Greene's spare command, hanging as we have seen to a projection or fragment of the “West woods,” was the bait, and
Hill's brigades, already making for
Greene, completely passed our left and sprung the trap.
Sumner, too late, discovered
Hill's effort.
Sedgwick and
Dana, badly wounded, left the field.
The Second Division Second Corps then fell to me. It had good troops.
Though losing heavily in our futile effort to change front before
D. H. Hill, the division was speedily re-formed in the edge of the “East woods” and gave a firm support to the numerous batteries which now fired again with wonderful rapidity and effect.
We prevented all further disaster except the loss for the third time that day of those mysterious “West woods.”
I have a further picture.
It is of a ravine in the “West woods,” where my own staff and that of
General Burns sat upon their horses near me, just in rear of my waiting line, when the round shot were crashing through the trees and shells exploding rapidly over our
[
298]
heads, while the hissing rifle balls, swift as the wind, cut the leaves and branches like hail, and whizzed uncomfortably near our ears.
Astonishing to tell, though exposed for an hour to a close musketry fire, though aids and orderlies were coming and going amid the shots, seemingly as thick as hail, not one individual of this group was hit.
Captain E. Whittlesey had taken the place of
F. D. Sewall, then colonel of the Nineteenth Maine, as adjutant general of the brigade.
He and my brother,
Lieutenant Howard, badly wounded at
Fair Oaks, had rejoined after the command left
Washington.
It was the first time I had seen
Whittlesey under fire.
He reminded me, as I observed him, of
General Sykes, who, in action, never moved a muscle.
The effect of this imperturbability on the part of a commander was wholesome.
With a less stern countenance, but an equally strong will,
Whittlesey was to me from that time the kind of help I needed in battle.
Lieutenant Howard also, if he detected the least lack of coolness in me, would say quietly: “Aren't you a little excited?”
This was enough to suppress any momentary nervousness.
The worst thing which resulted from our retreat that day was the effect upon
General Sumner himself.
He concluded that if such troops as composed
Hooker's corps and
Sedgwick's division could be so easily beaten any other vigorous effort in that part of the field would be useless.
Franklin's corps arrived from
Pleasant Valley and reported to
McClellan at 10 A. M. That was all, except
Couch's attached division which
Franklin had dispatched to
Maryland Heights, which came to us the morning of the 18th.
[
299]
Franklin soon sent his leading division under
W. F. Smith to aid
Sedgwick, but, like all other supports in this ill-managed battle, it was a little too late.
The trap had been sprung already and we had been forced back from the “West woods.”
Smith, to guard the batteries, deployed
Hancock's brigade to our left.
Hancock separated the protecting batteries and put regiments between them.
I sent a regiment, the Twentieth Massachusetts, to help him support his right battery.
The Confederates fired upon these new arrivals and were answered by the batteries.
They ventured no farther, nor did we.
General Smith sent
Irwin's brigade to prolong
Hancock's line leftward, while
Sumner took
Smith's other brigade to watch his extreme right, being apprehensive of some hostile countermove from that direction.
French, as we have seen, was not in sight when
Sedgwick went into action.
He formed his parallel columns as we did. Instead of keeping on in our track, when about a mile behind us he faced to the left and marched off toward that part of the enemy's position.
He directed his march obliquely toward Roulette's house, making a large angle with
Sedgwick's direction.
He doubtless thought
Greene occupied more space and would move to the front with us — a natural mistake.
But a big gap was left.
It took four or five batteries, besides
Hancock's and
Irwin's elongated lines, to fill the interval.
French's division marched briskly, driving in hostile skirmishers and engaging first heavy guns in chosen spots and then thicker musketry.
The diagonal road which cuts both pikes and passes in front of Roulette's house is what the officers called the “sunken road.”
D. H. Hill filled a part of it with Confederate
[
300]
brigades; standing behind them were several batteries and the brigades of
Rodes and
Anderson in support.
It was a well-chosen position for defense.
Some of these troops had fought near Dunker's Church and had run back there after
Sedgwick's discomfiture.
Colonel Weber, commanding
French's leading brigade to my left, now monopolized the fight.
Soon his left was turned, while his front was hotly assailed.
Kimball, seeing this, rushed his men up to clear
Weber's exposed left and drove back the
Confederate flankers, but they immediately ran to cover in the “sunken road” and there successfully defied his nearer approach.
The hard contest here, varying in intensity from moment to moment, lasted three full hours and our men found quite impossible a decisive forward movement in that place.
French had upward of 2,000 men near there put
hors de combat.
Irwin's brigade of
Smith's division, near
Hancock, made one charge in the afternoon and went into those “West woods,” but then experienced the same trouble as the rest of us — it was striking in the dark; they also were forced to retreat.
Richardson's division after the arrival of
Franklin was sent by
McClellan to join our corps.
After crossing the
Antietam,
Richardson directed his march on the
Piper house, taking his cue from
French's field, and soon was breasting the same deep roadway farther to the left.
He did not attempt our formation but placed
Meagher's brigade and
Caldwell's abreast,
Caldwell's on the left and
Brooke's brigade considerably in the rear to watch his flanks.
Thus he moved into close action.
Once the
Confederates were moving between
Richardson and
French, for there was free space enough.
Brooke caught the glimmer of their rifles and
[
301]
sent to his right a regiment to meet and stop them at the right moment.
Cross of the Fifth New Hampshire, aided by the Eighty-first Pennsylvania, did a like handsome thing for
Caldwell's left flank.
Cross in this successful move made a run for higher ground, while
Brooke generously sent forward enough of his brigade to keep up
Cross's connection with his proper front line.
In these impulsive thrusts of subordinates, almost without orders, a part of that horrid “sunken road” was captured and passed, and Piper's house reached at last and held.
Francis C. Barlow was given that day two regimentsthe Sixty-first and Sixty-fourth New York.
By quick maneuvering he caught and captured 300 prisoners in the deep road.
General Richardson was mortally wounded near that place.
There was not much infantry engagement on our part of the field after one o'clock, but the artillery was unceasing all along the lines.
Hancock was quickly sent to command
Richardson's division.
For one more trial
Slocum's division under
Franklin's instructions formed lines of attack.
They made ready for another desperate charge through those “West woods” and up to the Dunker Church.
But
Sumner just then hurried one of its brigades to the right and thus created a delay.
In a few minutes after this
Sumner took a fuller responsibility and ordered
Franklin out again to attempt to carry those fatal woods.
Sumner shortly after this order to
Franklin had planned a general advance.
His
adjutant general and aids had distributed the order to four corps, what were left of them, and had cavalry ready to help.
All were to start simultaneously at a given signal.
All were waiting-but there was an unexpected halt.
Sumner
[
302]
consulted with
McClellan, and then concluded not to risk the offensive again, and so the work for September 17th for our center and right was substantially closed.
Sumner's purpose and
McClellan's plan for the early morning of this day, to have
Hooker,
Mansfield,
Sumner, and, finally,
Franklin go into battle in echelon by division from right to left as far as possible, was wise.
We have seen how the scheme was marred simply in the execution.
Hooker was exhausted before
Mansfield began.
Mansfield was displaced and had fallen when
Sedgwick went singly into battle.
I, replacing
Sedgwick, was back on the defensive when French entered the lists far off to my left; while, in conjunction with
French,
Richardson alone touched the right spot at the right time.
Franklin and the batteries were only in time and place to prevent disaster.
Simultaneous action of divisions with a strong reserve would have won that portion of the field, but there was no simultaneous action.
Down by the
Burnside bridge was a rise of ground on our side.
The enemy there, after
Lee had arranged his defense, consisted in the main of
D. R. Jones's division and
Toombs's brigade in support of abundant artillery.
The guns, well placed, swept the road and other approaches.
All the country behind them and to their left was favorable to prompt reinforcement.
On our bank
Burnside's officers of artillery posted a battery of twenty-pounder Parrotts and another of smaller guns, covering the highest knoll, hoping for unusual execution.
Crook's brigade of
Scammon's division stretched upstream to the right, with
Sturgis's division formed in his rear.
Rodman's division, with
Hugh Ewing's brigade behind it, extended down the
Antietam.
Pleasonton, commanding and supporting
[
303]
by cavalry several batteries, together with
Sykes's division of
Porter's corps, held all the ground between
Burnside and
Richardson.
Our
Willcox's division and the reserve artillery were kept back for emergencies.
There was only the Ninth Corps on the left.
Burnside with
Hooker away simply commanded
Cox. The Ninth Corps that day had virtually two heads,
Burnside and
Cox. At 7 A. M. of the 17th
McClellan ordered
Burnside to prepare to assault and take the bridge, but, when ready, to wait for his word.
The troops were put in place.
Every good spot was occupied by favoring cannon.
McClellan at eight o'clock sent the
word. Why, nobody knows, but
Burnside, standing with
Cox, did not receive the order till nine o'clock. He then directed
Cox to execute it.
Cox went to the front to watch for results, and in person set
Crook's brigade, backed up by
Sturgis's division, to charge and see if they could not force a crossing.
Two columns of four abreast were to rush over under the raking fire and then divide right and left.
Meanwhile
Rodman's division, forcing the ford below, must charge
Toombs's Confederates out from behind a stone wall.
Crook got ready, covered his front with skirmishers, and pushed for the river, reaching it above the bridge.
The fire of cannon and musketry from beyond was so worrisome that his men halted and that assault failed.
Next, after some delay,
Cox tried
Sturgis's division.
The Sixth New Hampshire and the Second Maryland were each put into column.
They charged, but the enemy's sweeping fire broke them up.
The Fifty-first New York and Fifty-first Pennsylvania were next arranged for a forlorn hope.
To help
[
304]
them one of our batteries tried fast firing.
It created smoke and noise and sent screeching shells to occupy Confederate attention, while the rush was made.
At last a part of our men were over.
Following this lead the troops of
Sturgis and
Crook passed the bridge, and driving the enemy back formed with speed in good order on the west bank.
Rodman had been led off by false or ignorant guides down the
Antietam.
After search and experiment he discovered a ford, successfully made his crossing and came up on the other bank as ordered.
The daring work was done, but it had taken four good hours to accomplish it, so it was already one o'clock. The hard contest all along our line northward was then substantially over; thus
Lee was able to reinforce against
Cox, and further,
A. P. Hill's Confederate division,
en route from
Harper's Ferry, was not far from
Sharpsburg.
Again, as if to favor
Lee,
Burnside had further delay.
The excessive firing before and after crossing the
Antietam had exhausted the ammunition of the leading division, so that
Burnside had to send over
Willcox's command to make replacement, which consumed another precious hour.
Considering that the
Confederate D. R. Jones had kept rifle shots and shells flying against
Cox's lines, it was a difficult business, after so long halting, to form and send forward attacking and charging brigades.
As soon as ready, urged by repeated orders brought by
McClellan's staff officers and forwarded by
Burnside from his rise of ground,
Cox went forward.
Willcox and
Crook, carrying
Jones's front, made for the village; but
Rodman, to the left, was delayed by
Toombs; and
Cox had to meet a strong reenforcement
[
305]
of
A. P. Hill's corps, which had just arrived.
Sturgis, however, seized a hostile battery and marched on through the town, while
Crook was giving him good support.
A victory seemed already gained, but it was not secure.
Rodman's check, of course, created separation and weakness in
Cox's corps.
At that very juncture,
A. P. Hill deployed more and more of his strong force before
Sturgis and
Crook and commenced firing and advancing rapidly.
He first recaptured the Confederate battery just taken, and caused
Cox's right to leave the village and the important vantage ground he had so happily obtained.
Rodman's division was in this way doubly checkmated, and he, one of our best
New England men, once under my command with the Fourth Rhode Island, was slain.
His troops, thus defeated, fell back in haste.
Nearer the river
Cox took up a strong defensive position, re-formed his corps, and prevented further disaster.
Iee's generalship at
Antietam could not be surpassed; but while
McClellan's plans were excellent, the tactical execution was bad. Had all of the right column been on the spot where the work was to begin,
Sumner, seizing
Stuart's heights by the
Potomac, could have accomplished the purpose of his heart — to drive everything before him through the village of
Sharpsburg and on to
Burnside's front.
Of course,
Burnside's move should have been vigorous and simultaneous with attacks on the right.
McClellan so intended.
We had, however, a technical victory, for
Lee withdrew after one day's delay and recrossed the
Potomac.
Porter's corps, following closely, lost heavily at the
Shepherdstown ford-so that every part of
[
306]
our army except
Couch's division, which after its late arrival was only exposed to artillery fire, suffered great loss at the
battle of Antietam.
Longstreet says that
Antietam was “the bloodiest single day of fighting of the war.”
The Confederate loss in
Maryland was 12,601; while ours at
Antietam alone, including prisoners, was 12,410.
While, with a view to avoid their mistakes in the future, we may study the
faults and
omissions of the brave men who here contended for the life of the
Republic, let us not blame them, for there were often cogent reasons-hindrances and drawbacks which after many years no one can remember.