From the South.Our exchanges contain some interesting items from the South: The Charleston Courier states that the term of Gov. Gist will expire early in December and the office will be filled by the Legislature, which assembles on the 26th inst. It adds: ‘ "It is probable that one of our late Senators will be elected, but, at all events, a good and true man will be called to the post, in view of the present attitude and fixed determination of the State. Whenever men have been wanted, South Carolina has found them." ’ The following is the resolution introduced into the Georgia Senate for a National Convention: ‘ Be it therefore enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Georgia, in General Assembly meet. That the Executive of this state be requested to give notice to the several States of this Union that have violated this Constitution, in their legislative capacities as States, that the contract, as to them is at an end; and also to those States that have not violated this Constitution, in their State capacities, that Georgia has resumed her sovereignty and delegated powers, but will not consider the compact dissolved as to them, but will most heartily co-operate with them, in defending and protecting the Constitution which our fathers gave us both in letter and in spirit. And. for the furtherance of the object we therefore recommend the call of a Convention, without delay, of all those States that are wishing to abide by the Constitution, to assemble on the 8th day of January next, at such place as the several States shall think most advisable, for the purpose of forming a Union; and that the several States call Conventions of their people to ratify their action in the same manner and form that the present Constitution was ratified; or in such other manner as the people of the several sovereign States shall think proper. ’ A correspondent of the Columbia Guardian, speaking of Col. Memminger's speech, noticed yesterday by telegraph, says. ‘ "He reviewed the politics of the day, the progress and aims of the Republican party, and the duty of the South in the present aspect of affairs. He thought that the Southern States should unite against a common and an aggressive foe, and that, uniting, they should form a Southern Confederacy, which would be lasting and glorious. He wished that there should be a co-operation of States; but if that could not be attained, that South Carolina, taking her destiny in her own hands, would dissolve all connection with the Federal Government, and form an independent Commonwealth. Col. Memminger gave is as his opinion, that it was impossible for this State to secede without a war with the General Government; and, such being the case, it behooved our people to be prepared at any and all times. South Carolina would not be attacked except by water — that no land forces could be brought against our borders; and that, therefore, they would not be directly assailed. But he knew that the citizens of the Mountain District would be ready, at a moment's warning, to march to the defence of Charleston and her citizens. Col. M., in this speech, took high Southern grounds, and in the present posture of affairs advocated separate State action. ’ The Chattanooga (Tenn.) Gazette publishes the result of an interview between a wealthy planter of Mississippi and Mr. Lincoln. It says: ‘ This planter desired to purchase an additional supply of negroes to pick his present crop of cotton, but feared to do so on account of the great depreciation in their value, and the alarming excitement which pervaded the South. In order to ascertain, from his own lips, Lincoln's policy, he visited him at his residence in Springfield, Illinois. Mr. Lincoln informed him that he was opposed to any interference with slavery in the States, or with the inter-State slave trade; that he was opposed to abolishing or interfering with slavery in the District of Columbia; and that he was only opposed to its extension in the Territories, but added, ‘"that was only an opinion of his.’" He was then asked what would he do in the event that South Carolina seceded from the Union? He replied that he would let her go, if Congress did not pass a "Force Bill." He stated that if no one would accept office in that State, of course they could receive no benefits from the Government, and the whole expense for the distribution of the mails would devolve on her own citizens. He concluded by advising the Mississippian to purchase as many negroes as he needed, and expressed the opinion that in twelve months slave property would be worth more than it ever had been. Upon these assurances, the gentleman was, on Saturday, making his way to Virginia to purchase more negroes. ’ The Montgomery (Ala.) Mail, noticing the telegraphic reports of the Cabinet's opposition to secession, says: ‘ If indeed the Attorney General have stultified himself, in regard to the right of secession, as is stated — and if the President have endorsed his position — why, then, we think, its probable we have lost the President in this issue and gained Virginia. If the news be true, it shows the fundamental rottenness of all Northern politicians, and how absolutely necessary it is to leave an Union tending headlong to consolidation. Virginia cannot remain neutral, if the right of secession be denied. From the plains of the East to the mountains of the West, she will uprise to maintain and defend that hoary and precious principle. If, then, we repeat, we lose the President, we gain Virginia — an exchange every Southern man ought to be glad to make. ’ The Macon Telegraph says: ‘ "Some of our provision men were notified from St. Louis yesterday, that no more credit would be extended to Georgia customers for grain or provisions. The reason assigned was that Georgia was going so far out of the Union that remittances might never reach St. Louis from that distance." ’ The Baltimore Sun, of yesterday, has the following paragraph: ‘ This morning at 10 o'clock, the Palmetto flag of South Carolina will be raised upon the Liberty Engine House, corner of Fayette and Liberty streets, by an association known as the "Southern Volunteers." This evening a meeting of the association will be held at the Liberally Engine House. The association has for its object the support of South Carolina in any emergency that may grow out of the present state of affairs. ’
Georgia Moderation.In the Georgia Senate, on Tuesday last, Mr. Holt, of Muskogee, presented a series of resolutions, adopted by his constituents, in effect that Georgia should at once secede from the Confederacy of States, and that secession shall be by Georgia's own independent, unaided action, without having the solicitation or consent, co-operation or agreement of our sister Southern States, and before we have had their promise, or attempted to obtain it, to stand by us, to unite with us in such secession. Mr. Holt addressed the Senate in a speech abounding in devotion to the Union, the Constitution and the laws, and in opposition to the hasty action recommended by the resolution. He concluded as follows: ‘ Sir, the resolutions which have been read at your desk are seat here to me by the secretaries of the meeting which adopted them, expressing the belief that if the same spirit which prevailed there shall prevail here, ‘"Georgia will soon become the Empire State in the Southern Confederacy."’ Now, sir, if there was any resolution expressing a desire that Georgia should wait with her sister States that have had like grievances, have suffered like wrongs and oppressions from other States, I say, if these resolutions shadowed forth that policy, they would thus far meet my approbation. I am willing to act with our sister States which have suffered like wrongs, and if resistance come, still to stand by them and with them. But, sir, because Massachusetts has by her representatives in her own State Legislature perpetrated wrong on the people of my State --because Connecticut has been faithless to her constitutional obligations, do you ask me to do violence to the land of Washington, to sever my connection with my interest in Mount Vernon and Monticello, because other States have proved recreant to their obligations; because they are faithless to my constituents — patriotic men as I know they are, ask me to withdraw Georgia from good old Virginia, the land per excellence of freedom?--Do they ask me to give up Louisiana, to break bonds of brotherhood with her? Why, sir, it is the battle ground of New Orleans, it is the land where the American armies gained their most signal triumph. They ask me to sever my connection with gallant Tennessee without even the privilege of making one pilgrimage to the Hermitage and feeling that its patriotic here reposes in the bosom of my own country I do they wish me to part from garrons old Kentucky, and to feel that the fame of its great Commoner is no longer our joint inheritance? Why, sir, if we must disrupt, let us ask all our sister Southern States, with like grievances, wrongs, oppressions and purposes, to unite with us in the mods and manner of resistance whether in the Union or cut of the Union, and let us in the meantime stead by the bond of brotherhood which we have made with them. They have not broken. When we have them united, we shall be prepared to meet the foe, come from what quarter he may. I like this idea of a Southern Confederacy. But, sir, let the delegates to our Convention come fresh from the people, chosen to represent the interests of Georgia in the present emergency. And, sir, whenever Georgia shall act through such a Convention I am prepared to a bide her decision. If the people prefer a separate independent State Government, unaided, unconnected with such States, as much as I oppose that measure now, I will go with them then. If they prefer a confederacy of the sister Southern States, I am willing to be an humble private citizen in that government; but if the people in their sovereign capacity through their representatives in Convention assembled, shall decide that they will not disrupt the Government of these United States, then I am willing to hold up our national banner with all its stars and stripes and say: ’ "Tis the star spangled banner, oh long may it wave. O'er the homes of the free, and the homes of the brave." Mr. Humbler, of Troupe county, presented similar resolutions in the House of Delegates, with the following remarks: ‘ He said he cordially endorsed every sentiment of the resolutions, except the latter part of the first which declared the election of Lincoln to be of itself sufficient cause for resistance. His constituents were as intelligent and patriotic as those of any in the State; but he would take occasion to speak for himself, and to declare that he worshipped at no political altar but that of the Constitution, bowed at no shrine but that of the Union, and battled under no flag but that of his country.--When the people spoke in Convention he should obey their will, and follow their command in whatever direction it may lead. ’
Houston, at which resolutions were adopted, and a petition numerously signed, calling on the Governor to convene the Legislature to take into consideration the proper method of vindicating the rights and honor of Texas in the present emergency. The Southwest mentions great military enthusiasm in Waco and the neighboring to was. On the 3d inst, Mr. Parons addressed the people of Waco on the subject of forming military companies for fireside defence. A company of 127 was enrolled, each man furnishing his own breech-loading sword-bayonet rifle. The sum of $1,124 was also subscribed for arms. Waco will organize two corps, a light infantry with artillery drill, and a cavalry. They intend to send for a six-pounder, and a twelve pound howitzer. At Bosqueville a light infantry company is organizing. A movement is on foot for the organization of an artillery company in Houston. The organization of several military companies in Galveston is now going on.
Louisiana in his proclamation calling together the Legislature of that State on the 10th prox., gives the following reasons for it: ‘ Whereas, the election of Abraham Lincoln to the office of President of the United States by a sectional and aggressive anti-slavery party, whose hostility to the people and the institutions of the South has been evinced by repeated and long continued violations of constitutional obligations and fraternal amity, now consummated by this last insult and outrage perpetrated at and through the ballot-box, does, in my opinion, as well as that of a large number of citizens of all parties and pursuits, furnish an occasion such as is contemplated by the Constitution; and whereas, some of our sister States, aggrieved like ours, are preparing measures for their future security, and for the safety of their institutions and their people, and both patriotism and the necessity of self-preservation require us to deliberate upon our own course of action, &c. ’