The National crisis.
views of Gen. Scott--a look inside of Fort Moultrie--condition of Fort Sumter--Fort Norfolk--Illinois Democratic Convention--Expression of opinion in Philadelphia, &c., &c.Views of General Scott.
The following are the views of Gen. Scott, as transmitted to the President on the 29th of October: ‘ To save time, the right of secession may be conceded, and instantly balanced by the correlative right, on the part of the Federal Government, against an inferior State or States, to re-establish by force, if necessary, its former continuity of territory.--[Paley's Moral and Political Philosophy, last chapter.] ’ But break this glorious Union by whatever line or lines that political madness may contrive, and there would be no hope of reuniting the fragments except by the laceration and despotism of the sword. To effect such result the intestine wars of our Mexican neighbors would, in comparison with ours, sink into mere child's play. A smaller evil would be to allow the fragments of the great Republic to form themselves into new Confederacies, probably four. All the lines of demarcation between the new Unions cannot be accurately drawn in advance, but many of them approximately ay. Thus, looking to natural boundaries and commercial affinities, some of the following frontiers, after many wavering and conflicts, might perhaps become acknowledged and fixed: 1. The Potomac river and the Chesapeake Bay to the Atlantic. 2. From Maryland, along the crest of the Alleghany (perhaps the Blue Ridge) range of mountains, to some point in the coast of Florida. 3. The line from say the head of the Potomac to the west or northwest, which it will be most difficult to settle. 4. The crest of the Rocky Mountains. The Southeast Confederacy would, in all human probability, in less than five years after the rupture, find itself bounded by the first and second lines indicated above, the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico, with its capital at say Columbia, South Carolina. The country between the second, third, and fourth of those lines would, beyond a doubt, in about the same time, constitute another Confederacy, with its capital at probably Alton or Quincy, Illinois. The boundaries of the Pacific Union are the most definite of all, and the remaining States would constitute the Northeast Confederacy, with its capital at Albany. It, at the first thought, will be considered strange that seven slaveholding States and parts of Virginia and Florida should be placed (above) in a new Confederacy with Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, &c. But when the overwhelming weight of the great Northwest is taken in connection with the laws of trade, contiguity of territory, and the comparative indifference to free soil doctrines on the part of Western Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri, it is evident that but little, if any coercion, beyond moral force, would be needed to embrace them; and I have omitted the temptation of the unwasted public lands which would fall entire to this Confederacy — an appanage (well husbanded) sufficient for many generations. As to Missouri, Arkansas, and Mississippi, they would not stand out a month. Louisiana would coalesce without much solicitation, and Alabama, with West Florida, would be conquered the first winter from the absolute need of Pensacola for a naval depot. If I might presume to address the South, and particularly dear Virginia — being "native here and to the manner born"--I would affectionately ask, will not your slaves be less secure and their labor less profitable under the new order of things than under the old?--Could you employ profitably two hundred slaves in all Nebraska, or five hundred in all New Mexico! The right, then, to take them thither would be a barren right. And is it not wise to-- ‘ "Rather bear the ills we haveThan fly to others that we know not of?"
’ The Declaration of Independence proclaims and consecrates the same maxim: "Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes." And Paley, too, lays down as a fundamental maxim of statesmanship, "never to pursue national honor as distinct from national interest," but adds:--"This rule acknowledges that it is often necessary to assert the honor of a nation for the sake of its interests." The excitement that threatens secession is caused by the near prospect of a Republican's election to the Presidency. From a sense of propriety, as a soldier, I have taken no part in the pending canvass, and, as always heretofore, mean to stay away from the polls. My sympathies, however, are with the Bell and Everett ticket. With Mr. Lincoln I have had no communication whatever, direct or indirect, and have no recollection of ever having seen his person; but cannot believe any unconstitutional violence, or breach of law, is to be apprehended from his administration of the Federal Government. From a knowledge of our Southern population, it is my solemn conviction that there is some danger of an early act of rashness preliminary to secession, viz. the seizure of some or all of the following forts: Forts Jackson and St. Philip, in the Mississippi, below New Orleans, both without garrisons; Fort Morgan, below Mobile, without a garrison; Forts Pickens and McRae, Pensacola harbor, with an insufficient garrison for one; Fort Pulaski, below Savannah, without a garrison; Forts Moultrie and Sumter, Charleston harbor — the former with an insufficient garrison, and the latter without any; and Fort Monroe, Hampton Roads, without a sufficient garrison. In my opinion all these works should be immediately so garrisoned as to make any attempt to take any one of them, by surprise or coup de main, ridiculous. With the army faithful to its allegiance, and the navy probably equally so, and with a Federal Executive, for the next twelve months, of firmness and moderation, which the country has a right to expect--moderation being an element of power not less than firmness--there is good reason to hope that the danger of secession may be made to pass away without one conflict of arms, one execution, or one arrest for treason. In the mean time it is suggested that exports should remain as free as at present; all duties, however, on imports, collected. (outside of the cities,*) as such receipts, would be needed for the national debt, invalid pensions, &c., and only articles contraband of war be refused admittance. But even this refusal would be unnecessary, as the foregoing views each of the idea of invading a seceded State. October 29, 1860.
--In forts or on board ships-of-war. The great aim and object of this plan was to gain time — say eight or ten months--to await expected measures of conciliation on the part of the North, and the subsidence of angry feelings in the opposite quarter. Lieut. General Scott's respects to the Secretary of War to say: ‘ That a copy of his "Views, &c." was dispatched to the President yesterday, in great haste; but the copy intended for the Secretary, better transcribed, (herewith,) was not in time for the mail. General S. would be happy if the latter could be substituted for the former. ’ It will be seen that the "Views" only apply to a case of secession that makes a gap in the present Union. The falling off (say) of Texas, or of all the Atlantic States, from the Potomac south, was not within the scope of General S's provisional remedies. It is his opinion that instructions should be given, at once, to the commanders of the Barrancas, Forts Moultrie and Monroe, to be on their guard against surprises and coups demain As to regular approaches, nothing can be said or done, at this time, without volunteers. There is one (regular) company at Boston, one here, (at the Narrows,) one at Pittsburg, one at Augusta, Ga., and one at Baton Rouge — in all five companies, only, within reach, to garrison or reinforce the forts mentioned in the "Views." General Scott is all solicitude for the safety of the Union. He is, however, not without hope that all dangers and difficulties will pass away without leaving a scar or painful recollection behind. The Secretary's most ob'dt. se'vt. October 30, 1860. W. S.
The "Virginia Life Guard."--We understand that this new company is rapidly filling up, and that the members will proceed at once to uniform themselves and apply to the State for arms. The uniform adopted is very simple, and will not cost more than five or six dollars. The company will probably attach itself to the 179th regiment, as many of its members, on account of their engagements, cannot belong to the volunteer regiment proper. The "Life Guard" will only be called out when the emergency is such as to require a larger force than can be furnished by the uniformed regiment of the city — in other words, when the services of the militia are needed, they will promptly take the field. At some future day they hope to be able to procure rifles.
Illinois Democratic Convention--important resolutions on the crisis.
Springfield, January 16.
--The Democratic State Convention met at the State-House this morning.
Ninety-three out of the hundred and two counties were represented.
Resolutions were adopted by an almost unanimous vote, declaring that it is the prompting of patriotism and dictate of wisdom to make an earnest effort to save the Union by conciliation and concession; therefore, we are willing to accept the amendments to the Con- stitution proposed in the United States Senate by Senator Douglas and Senator Crittenden, and the border State proposition, or any other whereby harmony may be restored between the people of the different sections of the country.
Therefore, we earnestly entreat the Federal Government and the seceding States to withhold the arm of military power, and on no pretext whatever bring the nation to the horrors of a civil war, until the people can take such action as the troubles demand.
We recognize and declare it to be the duty of the Federal Government, through the civil authorities within the jurisdiction of the States, to enforce all laws passed in pursuance of the Constitution; but we distinctly deny that the Federal Government has a constitutional power to call out the military to execute these laws, except in aid of the civil authorities.
We deny the constitutional right of any State to secede from the Union, and we are equally opposed to nullification at the North and secession at the South, as violations of the Constitution.
That in the opinion of this Convention the employment of a military force by the Federal Government to coerce into submission the seceding States, will inevitably plunge the country in a civil war, and entirely extinguish all hope for a settlement of the fearful issues now pending before the country.
We recommend the repeal of all Personal Liberty bills, and recommend a National Convention, to be held at Louisville, Ky., on the 12th of February, to take into consideration the present perilous state of the country, and recommend to the people such just concessions and such amendments to the Constitution as will produce harmony and fraternal feeling throughout the Union, said Convention to consist of one delegate from each Congressional district, and two at large from each of the thirty-three States.
We request that the Legislatures of the several States take steps for the holding of State Conventions to carry out the aforesaid recommendations.
The late Philadelphia meeting and Maj. Anderson.
The following correspondence has been published: (Copy.)Philadelphia, Jan. 7, 1861.
Dear Sir
--As presiding officer of the great public meeting held in this city on Saturday evening last, the agreeable duty devolves on me of transmitting to you the enclosed account of its proceedings, as published in our morning papers.
Although I am well aware that the consciousness of having performed his duty is the soldier's highest reward, and that, therefore, your love of country needs no spur to incite you to continue faithful to its flag, it is no less the duty of your fellow-citizens everywhere to greet your patriotic doings in the present perilous crisis of our national affairs, with their hearty sympathy and applause.
In this feeling, responsive as I know it to be to that of the vast mass of my fellow-citizens, I have great pleasure in being the instrument of making to you the present communication.
Trusting that the Federal Government will perform its whole duty towards you and the brave officers and men under your command, by giving you, without delay, the needful reinforcements and supplies.
I have the honor to remain, dear sir, your most obedient servant, Dear Sir
Wm. D. Lewis.
To Major Robert Anderson, U. S. Artillery, Commanding at Fort Sumter, Charleston, South Carolina.
To Major Robert Anderson, U. S. Artillery, Commanding at Fort Sumter, Charleston, South Carolina.
[Major Anderson's Reply.]
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 7th inst., enclosing a copy of the proceedings of a public meeting held in Philadelphia on the 5th inst. I will not attempt to express the feelings which such an approval of my poor efforts to do my duty excites, but will now merely thank you personally for the handsome manner in which you have performed your part as presiding officer of the meeting, and for the flattering terms of your letter of transmittal. Hoping that by the blessing of God the impending storm may be dispersed without bloodshed, I am, dear sir, very respectfully,Expression of opinion in Philadelphia.
At the Democratic Union meeting, held in Philadelphia on Wednesday evening, the Hon. Wm. B. Reed, our late Minister to China, was one of the speakers. His remarks were eminently befitting the occasion, and replete with good counsel. We extract some paragraphs: Mr. Reed said he had come there to say a few words in behalf of peace and conciliation. The resolutions presented breathed nothing but peace and conciliation. He did not want to talk even of concession. He had a great aversion to the words secession and concession. He came there to see if they could not promote some feeling of kindness which would bring back their Southern brethren.--He was in favor of conciliation, and if there was one sentiment prevalent here, it was a desire for conciliation, and an aversion to anything like civil war. The legislators at Harrisburg have been denouncing the business and the working men of this city, because they desire conciliation. Who had a better right to desire our Representatives at Harrisburg to give us some means of relief than the business men of Philadelphia? What is to be our condition? I state my propositions thus:- 1. To put an end to this senseless clamor for coercion, if coercion means war, and to utter no words of defiance.
- 2. To purge quickly, cheerfully, gracefully, our statute book of those laws which do, or seem to give offence, and, so far as domestic slavery is concerned, to afford, as it used to be, auxiliary jurisdiction by our magistrates, and protection of property to the sojourner among us.
- 3. To compel by legal means, or, if need be, by peaceful measures, outside of the letter of the Constitution, such a Convention as will so amend it as will satisfy the South on the points as to which they are naturally sensitive.
