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The right of free speech Vindicated in Massachusetts.

some noticeable extracts from the speech of Mr. Sennott, for the defence.



The discharge of the Gordons, who were arrested in Boston for treasonable language, was published yesterday. Their counsel was George Sennott, who, it will be remembered, defended Stevens and Haslitt, of the John Brown ‘"army,"’ at Charlestown, Va. His address in behalf of the Gordons contains the following noticeable extracts:


The right of free speech.

I declare before God that, as I understand that right, I value it more than I do my life! And I call this whole country to withins if I have not before now proved the sincerity of this declaration by my actions! And the rights indicated at the hazard of my life before a tyrant, I will not give up, for the sake of to a Yankee sneak. Neither shall the Their case is . We are tried with And in defending them, we defend ourselves and our country from a gang compared with whom Col. Ledbetter is humane and Gen. Floyds respectable.

Mr. Sumner was once the advocate of free speech. He claimed, to one of its martyrs, And in defence of consequence of it, he certainly was the visitor cowardly assault, inflicted with a ferocity and with a meekness unexampled in the cudgelling! He now changes his opinion, or cast his language. With that felicity of allusion belongs, among the public writers of American to him and to Gov. Andrew alone, he advises his friends to put their ‘"heels"’ upon those who in them, and who dare to speak given in a letter to the late war Is this prosecution mechanics, by a few small conspirators, of of an agreement between the principal Thugs at Washington, in order, if it is works well, to sacrifice more important victims to the Abolition Kalee? I do not know — I know that the gentlemen of the Republican party do not countenance it, and that it will fall here, because, to reach their political opponents, they must cut down their political and personal friends. If free speech is treason here, our excellent Governor would speedily be known as the late unlamented John A Andrew, for his speech is exceedingly free and easy — quite loose, as you may say. Then, what would become of Mr. Phillips? Does his speak in favor of the Government? Has he ever said anything in favor of any Government, except that of Bayti? Did he not lately advise a large and patriotic assembly not to give a man or a dollar to the Government of the United States? And did not that patriotic society applaud that liberal suggestion? Shall we prosecute Mr. Phillips, therefore? Not with my good will, Not without my active resistance. I should violate the very first principles of Democracy, which is greater to me than anything but the Word of God himself, if I did not fight for Mr. Phillips's right to talktreason to any fool who wants to hear him.


What was said of the Irish Troops on leaving Boston.

When the regiment of the late Col. Cass went off, without an escort even of the Second Battalion, it was not actually hissed in State street, as was the Massachusetts regiment on its return from Mexico, but the agreeable remark was made and heard, that the departure of the Irish would be a great relief to our poor houses and jailed The Governor or his friends may say so about Col. Cass's countrymen — the Irish without committing treason, or even giving of fence. We are not accused of talking so badly, even about Mr. Andrew's countrymen — the negroes — yet are we prosecuted!


What Mr. Sennott Thinks of Secretary Seward.

Have we arrived at such a state that no one must find fault with any action or omission of the Government or any member of it, without having treason imputed to him? Can not you, sir? Can not example, have the misfortune to think that Mr Seward, our present Secretary of State, is not fit as a statesman, to index the papers of the late Silas Wright. However little he may be affected by my thoughts, I do think his want of sense--sober sense--has made him the laughing stock of Europe! I think that he is a small ward and county politician, who writes like a sophomore and acts like a stock jobber. Every time he speaks about what will happen in sixty days, in ninety days! he puts me in mind of a curn-stone broker, chattering over the approaching maturity of a dubious note! I think such men have been advanced to important places in this country about as often as they will be, and cannot help rejoicing to think that Mr. Seward will probably be the last of the Lilliputians.


An Illustration — Seward and Sumner.

Again, I do not worship Mr. Sumner. I cannot admire a person who is so simple as to think it a finer thing to pretend to be a fanatic than to be a dud but honest men. There is a fine old German story, called ‘"The Adventures of Reynard the Fox,"’ in the illustrations of which animals of different countries are represented in the attitudes and with the expressions of men. The illustrations are very good, and from the well known fact that men often resemble certain animals in a most curious and unaccountable manner, their effect is highly standing. It is particularly so, if you happen by any chance to be reminded by them of any particular person. Now, must I suffer death if I say that I never looked at those pictures without thinking of Mr. Seward and of Mr. Sumner? and that I never hear the names of Mr. Seward or of Mr. Sumner without thinking of the picture of the Fox and of the picture of the Gander?


Such of the imbecility of the Government.

And what if I am frank enough to say that I am sick of the swaggering imbecility with which the Government have managed this war of life and death. Is that treasonable? Shall my Government — that is to say, my servant, my creature--waste my money, and even let it be stolen, and stop my paper, and interrupt my business, and violate my Constitution, and starve and kill mysoldiers and of pure neglect, and gain only disaster and defeat for me by all this folly? And shall I say nothing! if I am to put up with this, and more, and say nothing or else be shut up by order of W. H. Seward, I want to know, seriously and calmly, what shall I right Jeff Davis for? What shall I fight Jeff. Davis for? What worse can he do to me than Seward or Stanton have done already? What, indeed — when their want of sense and want of energy have made him everything that he is? Lost money may be regained, lost armies may be replaced out of our swarms of men; but who shall give us back the time we have fooled away before the dirt heaps of Manassas? Expose a cup of clear water to the frost. Observe it, and even when the cold begins to fill its transparent substance with beautiful spicule of ice, if you agitate the mass it will not immediately freeze; but give it in that condition a very short period of rest, and it becomes a rock, hardly yielding to the energies of gunpowder and fire! So have we found the South. They were once undecided. Time and the stupidity of our Government have consolidated a hesitating into a hostile people. Yet Mr. Gordon is a traitor if he calls a fool a fool.


A picture of New England society which is not at, all Flattering.

New England to-day is covered with societies, in which the best of men and women conscientiously but reluctantly, and the worst of men and women eagerly and with a devilish delight, perform the part of spies and informers upon each other. To say that such a gigantic system of mutual espionage does not tend to degrade character, is simply to say that caves dropping and tale-bearing are not low and mean occupations. Under its influence, nothing is known of a man's real character or disposition. Habitual watchfulness upon the one side awakens habitual hypocrisy on the other. And it is only when the little saint of Boston expands into the gigantic villain of New Orleans or San Francisco, that you can tell how vast a benefit you derived from his emigration. The wickedness looked little here, because we saw but little of it. The enormous pressure of universal listening and peeping had driven it deep into the innermost fibres of our society. So pressed, it produces Smelling Committees — it elects Hiss Legislatures; it brings such men as Deacon Palmer to associate, out of fear, with men like Mr. Washburn, whom they receive into their cellars and dismiss through their back doors. Nobody will deny the fact or its application here who is not prepared to deny the existence of the Rev. Mr. Kalloch, or his church member, Mr. Hayes, who peeped after him, and black mailed him, and then exposed him. It is Mr. Hayes's turn to day; it may be Mr. Kalloch's turn to-morrow. It is Mr. Washburn's now; it may be the Gordon' turn by and by. But be the turn whose it may, the system of a barbarous age and people applied to the control of civilized mankind awakens the fiercest resentment. Men have put up with the savagest task-masters. They have endured the bloodiest tyrants without resistance for many years. They have submitted to the Kings of Prussia, to the Czars, to the House of Austia, and even to the Turks. But a Government of meddling philanthropists they cannot bear. It resembles the government of vermin more than any human despotism. Individually vile and odious, but quite insignificant, when collected they are all-pervading, all-devouring, appalling, loathsome to every sense, and intolerable to the strongest body and the firmest mind!

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