Further Northern news.From our Northern files, of the 2d instant, we continue our extracts of current news:
The New York world on Lincoln's proclamation.The New York World has a long article on Lincoln's emancipation proclamation. It says that he has ‘"swing loose from the constitutional of his inaugural address and his messages at the opening of the two successive sessions of Congress under his administration, and is fully adrift on the current of radical fanaticism."’ From the article we extract the following: ‘ He has been coerced by the insanity of the radicals, by the denunciation of their presses, by the threats of their Governor and Senators that he should resign, into a proclamation which, on its face, violates the Constitution, is contrary to the general current of civilization in the conduct of war as it has run since the Crusades, is in opposition to the solemn declarations made by our Government that this was not to be a war of subjugation, and in manifest obstruction of the re-union of those States for which the nation has fought, and is ready to lavish its blood and treasure. We demand to be informed whence the President derives his power to issue any such proclamation as he has now published!. Not from the Constitution surely, for it is in plain violation of some of its leading provisions. Not from the laws of war, for the laws of war tolerate Not even from the called confiscation act, which the President was at one time on the point of vetoing, for the proclamation does not conform to its provisions. This proclamation is made in pursuance of that higher law — that is to say, that open defiance of law — which has distinguished the tribe of pestilent abolition agitators from the beginning. Their moral notions are so sublimated and transcendental that they do not recognize the obligation of a compact, or the binding force of an oath, or the authority of a constitutional law duty enacted.--They acknowledge no law but their own unregulated impulses. Sectional hate, party spirit, political passions inflamed to diabolical fury — these are the "higher-law" of these wretched in comparison with which the sacred obligations of the fundamental law of the land and the public law of nations are as light, in their estimation, as the feathers of a gossamer's wing. In obedience to this higher law of unreasoning passion they undertook, many years ago, to annul one distasteful but minor provision of the Constitution; now they give loose rains to their fanaticism and drive with a coach and six through the very body of the instrument. The Constitution confers on the Federal Government no power to change the domestic institutions of the States. This policy makes changes of the most violent and sweeping character, changes which even the Republican party, in its National Conventions, disclaimed any intention of making and admitted to be unconstitutional. The Constitution property of all citizens from forfeitures by civil penalty without trial and conviction; this policy inflicts heavy penalties without even the pretence of a trial — inflicts them on all the citizens of whole States, without even the pretence of any discrimination between the innocent and the guilty, blending them all into one indistinguishable mars without any regard to whether they had against the Government or were non-combatants or whether they had gone into the rebellion voluntarily, of had been coerced into it by the terrorism which has prevailed at the South. The Constitution describes the crime of levying war against the United States as treason, and makes certain broad regulations respecting its punishment; but the policy in question assumes to punish levying war in a different way from what the Constitution allows it to be punished, by punishing it under some other name. A men cannot be constitutionally punished as a traitor till he has been first tried; but the policy attempts to circumvent the Constitution by inflicting the punishment under some other form than as a penalty of treason. A universal confiscation of the private property of non-combatants, throughout whole States, without trial, without any attempt to distinguish between innocent and guilty, or between the property of full grown male citizens and that of minors and orphans, held by guardians of trustees, is alike contrary to the Constitution and to the laws of civilized war, which respect the private property of non-combatants. If we descend from the Constitution to the confiscation act, we shall find this extraordinary proclamation indefensible even on the principles of that act. That law does not act on the gross population of areas of country, but on individual persons. The forfeitures it denounces are confined to persons in rebellion against the Government. What can be more preposterous, or a more monstrous perversion of justice, then to make the guilt of an depend on whether the States in which he happened to be born shall have representatives in Congress on the first day of January? It would be sufficiently monstrous to make a man's right to his property depend on his own exercise of the elective franchise. Never was there so degrading a entire on republican institutions as the voting required by President Lincoln. But when a man's property is made to dependant on whether he chooses to vote himself, but on whether his fellow-citizens choose to vote, and whether the number voting under this executive happens to be a majority, we are lost in astonishment that a chief magistrate of a tree country should undertake to make citizens perform what ought to be their freest act under coercing, and to convert the ballot box into a criminal tribunal. What has the number of votes cast in a criminal. What has the number of votes cast in a particular election to do with the question whether a particular citizen is guilty of treason? Why should women, minors, and orphans, be deprived of their property in consequence of the neglect of citizens to vote. This extraordinary proclamation will bring no advantages to the negro race at all proportionate of the obstructions. It throws in the way of reunion. It is certain that the Union will never be restored till this ill advised action of the Government . It converts every inhabitant of the South into a zealot whose all is embarked in the success of the rebellion. The idea that they will to threats, that they will vote on compulsion that they will feel terror or misgivings, or anything but increased indignation, at such a proclamation shows small knowledge either of human nature or of the temper of the Southern mind.--Such a proclamation cannot possibly be enforced, and its only effect will be to strengthen the determination of the rebels to fight to the very last. They are shut up to a lane which has no turning. When the military power of the rebels is broken we have laid before ourselves a still harder task to perform. At the very crisis of the contest of arms the President has reinforced them as effectually as if he had doubled their squadrons in the field. We may learn from our enemies. They will rejoice. Their leaders will make of this proclamation their chiefest moral weapon. It is powerless in our hands for good in theirs, it will be potent for evil. Our only vation now is in the ballot box. To that it yet remains possible for the people to resort. There the battle lost to-day may be won to- morrow — there alone the insulted majesty of the Constitution may be vindicated by the people against its faithless custodians. ’
Negro row at Nashville — the Federal soldiers Beating "a man and a Brother."The theatre at Nashville, Tennessee, two weeks since, was the scene of the ‘ "irrepressible conflict"’ between the Federal soldiers and the negroes. The building was crowded, and a number of the 10th Ohio regiment occupied the negro gallery. The Nashville Dispatch says: ‘ Before the first act was over, that part of the house also became crowded, and at the fall of the curtain some of the negroes left their seats and were passing through the crowd, when some soldiers seized them and knocked them down. In ten minutes every negro had been badly beaten and ejected from the house, some of them being thrown entirely down the stairs, from the top to the bottom. As the last one disappeared, quietness was again restored. No alarm was visible in the lower part of the house, and when the band had finished their performances the curtain rose and the play proceeded without interruption. Leaving the theatre, several members of the 10th repaired to Smoky Row, where they soon came in contact with the Provost guard. After considerable disturbance with them, they committed several depredations on houses in the neighborhood, which were finally brought to a close by a volley from the guard, severely wounding one of the disturbers in the leg and enabling the guard to arrest others. On Sunday morning, the soldiers resumed their attacks upon the negroes — this time displaying their pugnacious propensities especially against those negroes dressed in Federal uniform. On the square, Deputy Marshal Steels probably saved the life of a negro by advising him to take off his coat, when the soldiers around tore it to atoms, having previously knocked the negro down several times to make him take off his clothes. On Deadrick street, they caught another negro in uniform and literally stripped it off, leaving him to escape well covered with bruises and only partially covered with rags. Another negro in uniform was caught on Gray street. At their request, he very wisely took off his military coat, when the soldiers tore it in shreds and threw it on the street. Two or three other cases occurred during the afternoon, but no material damage was done. ’
The Contemplated attack on Mobile and other cities.A letter in the New York Tribune, from Pensacola, says great naval preparations are being made there for bombarding our seacoast cities. It says: ‘ The harbor and defences of Mobile have lately become subjects of close study in army and navy circles here, as that will probably be the first point attached. Fort Morgan, it will be recollected is built upon the site of old Fort Bowyer, famous for the repulse of an attack by the British, September 14, 1814. It is on Mobile Point, the apex of the long, narrow sandbank which divides the Gulf of Mexico from Bon Secours and Navy Cove. It is a work of considerable strength, having cost the Government about a million and a quarter for its construction. It mounts some ninety guns — some rifled, some the new ‘ "banded"’ pieces that the rebels have introduced, and the balance navy 3 pounder carronade from Norfolk, and heavy seacoast guns. The channel runs close in the fort, and is commanded not only by the guns of Morgan, but also by those of Gaines, the smaller fort, on Dauphins Island. No considerable rebel force is garrisoning either Charleston, Mobile, or Savannah, it is believed, but much has been done in the way of obstructing channels, and constructing defensive works along the water approaches to all three cities. Reconnaissances were made recently by the Susquehanna and the gunboat Winona, which clearly proved the falsity of the late rumors that it had been evacuated. Both vessels were fired upon, but without receiving damage. Our harbor is filling fast with men of war of all grades, and the Admiral's fleet is already very formidable. We have now in port the Hartford, (flagship,) Brooklyn, Potomac, Susquehanna, Vincennes, Preble; the gunboats Cayuga, Kennebec, Kanawha, Westfield; the bark Gemsbok, and a lot of mortar schooners, transports, and other vessels. The Brooklyn is being repaired, and will soon be ready for action. ’
New York Politics--one Union, one Destiny, and no Slavery.The Republicans of New York have commenced their mass meetings in favor of Wadsworth, their nominee for Governor. One was held in that city Wednesday night. The first speaker was Henry J. Raymond, the ‘"little villain"’ of the Times. He explained that he left this city to attend the Convention under the conviction that Jos. S. worth was the proper that for the position of Governor; but on his way, in conversation with none but loyal men, he discovered that the Republican ranks in all parts of the State outside of this city had been drawn upon so largely for the battle field that there was danger to be apprehended by following out the prompting of his own heart in the premises, and he determined to throw dismay into the Democratic ranks by voting for Gen. John A. Dix, and he cast and be cast his vote accordingly. From subsequent developments he fell that his course was a mistake. He then proceeded to show that the intention of the Democratic party, in making an issue at this time, was to cripple the Government; but, he said, there must be one sentiment expressed by the loyal people of the Empire State: No compromise — no adjustment — no division of the Union. Our motto must be: One Constitution--one Union--one Destiny, and no Slavery. He charged that Seymour and his party were acting as the allies of the rebellion. He said in reference to the confiscation of the slaves of rebels and the emancipation proclamation of the President, that these were weapons which he had a right to use, as the challenged party. The South had declared war upon the Government, and the Government therefore had the right to choose its own method of conquering a peace — of subduing the rebellion. He predicted prosperity for the South when the war shall have been concluded — that twenty-five years after, it would bud and blossom as the ross. In the meantime, it was our duty to use every effort to defeat the Secession ticket of Seymour and his confederates in the State. A vote of thanks was given to Mr. Raymond for his aide speech, which was followed by three rousing cheers.
A Revolt at the Confiscation act — what will the emancipation proclamation do?It will be recollected, at the time of the passage of the Confiscation act by the Federal Congress, it was reported that insubordination had been exhibited some Kentucky regiments, and the officers commanding them had been arrested. This report was utterly denied by Northern papers. The following correspondence between the Yankee General Schœpf, and Col. Hoskins, of the 12th Kentucky regiment, was found in Winchester. Tenn., after the Yankees left, and published in the Bulletin. It will explain itself:
Brig. Gen. Schœpf, Commanding 1st Brigade, 1st Division of the Ohio:
W. A. Hoskins,
Col. Comd'g 12th Reg't Ky. Vols.
I certify that I am not indebted to the Government anything — that I have no Government property in my possession with the exception of a Walltent, and was last paid to the 30th of April inclusive. W. a. Hoskins.
Col. Com. 12th Reg. Ky. Vols., U. S. A.
We find on the back of the resignation the following endorsement of Gen. Thomas:
Hdqrs, 1st Div., Dist. Ohio,
The above officer has been placed under arrest and ordered to report to Maj. Gen. Buell, commanding army of the Ohio.
Decherd, Tenn., Aug. 1, 1862.
Col. W. A. Huskins:
Brigadier Gen. l Com, 1st Brigade.
Lieut. Col. M. Howard, Adj't Joseph Haltew, Lieut. T. J. Mercer,
Lieut. J. C. Winfrey.
The Percentage Tax in the U. S. Army.The following regulations for the guidance of paymasters of the United States have been established in conformity to the 86th section of the excise law, namely:
- First--Paymasters and disbursing officers will deduct and withhold the sum of three per cent from all salaries and payments of every kind made in money to persons in the civil, military, naval, or other employments or service of the United States, including Senators and Representatives and Delegates in Congress upon the excess of such salaries or payments over the rate of six hundred dollars per annum.
- Second--Supplies issued in kind are not regarded as payments, and are not subject to assessment or reduction.
- Third--It is understood that each commissioned officer of the army receives from a paymaster compensation at the rate of not less than $600 per annum. Therefore, all payments made by a quartermaster or disbursing agent should be treated as being in excess of the rate of six hundred dollars per annum, and the tax of three per cent, should be deducted and withheld from the amount thereof accordingly.