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Further from Europe.

American affairs in Europe — rumors of Intervention — Debate in Parliament — speech.



The mails by the Asia, bringing European dates as late as the 27th ult., contain some matters of interest. The correspondents of U. S. papers say that the removal of Comte de Persigny from Napoleon's Cabinet will operate very unfavorably upon the Southern Confederacy, whose firm friend he was.

A dispatch from Paris, of the 25th of June to the London Shipping Gazette, contains the following: The France, of this day, states that Admiral Forfait, who set sail for Vera Cruz the day before yesterday, carried instructions to General Forey to issue a proclamation immediately on arriving at the city of Mexico, to the effect that the French Government will recognize the Government of Mr. Jefferson Davis.

The General Correspondent of Vienna, 23d, has the following:

We have received intelligence from London which, if confirmed, would appear of the highest importance. Lord Palmerston is reported to have conceived the idea bf submitting the American quarrel to the arbitration of the King of the Belgians. The impartiality of the King cannot be doubted, seeing that he has just proved it so strongly by deciding against England, to whom he is so nearly allied, in the Anglo Brazilian difficulty. Provided the contending American factions should consent to submit their differences to the King's decision, the condition of a suspension of hostilities until the delivery of the award would probably be imposed. Even with such a temporary truce the termination of the war would undoubtedly be attained, for neither party would care to assume the responsibility of recommencing the strife.

The journey of M. Jules Devaux, the chief of King Leopold's Cabinet, to London, whither he has conveyed the result of his Sovereign's decision in the Brazilian conflict, has probably some connection with the American project.

A New York adventurer, named Wm. Cornell Jewett, is making a tour of Europe, on the subject of peace between the Confederate and United States. A dispatch from Vienna, the 25th, has the following about his movements:

Mr. Jewett, who came to Europe on a mission the object of which was to restore peace in America, had a private interview to-day with Count Rechberg, on the subject of mediation, on the basis of the proposals made by the Emperor of the French. Mr. Jewett asked for Austria's friendly co-operation for the restoration of peace. Count Rechberg promised to comply with this request in the event of the North and South expressing a wish to that effect.

’ In the English House of Lords on the 26th ult., the Marquis of Clarincarde, in the course of his remarks on the American war, said:

‘ He hoped that this horrible and now unnecessary war was about to terminate, because it had been stated in what appeared to be an authoritative form, that the Emperor of the French had made or renewed a proposal to the British Government to recognize the existing Government of the Confederate States. That was a most important step, and he could not but think that the time had come when we could not permit a continued hindering of our commerce. He did not desire that we should interfere in any way, but it was quite compatible with our position as neutrals that we should recognize a Government which had shown itself to be capable of conducting its affairs at home and abroad and of performing all the functions of a Government. If England and France, and he might add Spain, were to recognize that Government, he had no doubt that a speedy termination would be put to this war. He would ask the noble Earl whether any proposition had been received from the Government of France, and also whether any copy of the judgment delivered by the American prize courts had been received, and whether the proceedings of these courts were being watched.

’ Earl Russell--I will first answer the question of my noble friend whether any report of proceedings of the prize courts of the United States, especially with reference to the case of the Dolphin, has been received at the Foreign office. In answer to that question I have to state that what appears to be an authentic report of the judgment in the case of the Delphine was received at the Foreign office last evening. I should think it right, certainly, that all these cases should be watched. I find the doctrines relied upon in that judgment are these laid down by Sir W. Grant and Lord Stowell. Whether these doctrines are rightly applied to the circumstances of this particular case is another question, and one upon which I offer no opinion. I shall not re-enter upon a discussion which we had up on a former evening, but I still think of the opinions held upon international law by my noble friend are not in accordance with the high authorities upon the subject. As to the second question, whether any communication has been made to the Government of this country by the Government of the Emperor of the French, proposing or suggesting a recognition of the Southern States, I have to say that no such communication has been received. Upon the general subject of recognition I do not think the circumstances are much altered since my noble friend, Lord Stratheden, brought forward his motion in this House, and I entertain the same opinions which I then expressed.

In the House of Commons Mr. Rocbuck stated that he should bring on a motion for the recognition of the Confederate States on the 30th of June.

The Custom-House authorities at Liverpool had notified the owners of the steamer Gibraltar (late Sumter) that unless the two guns of larges calibre on board were landed the ship would be detained on suspicion that they were for Confederate ports.

The London Globe controverts the notion that England is bound to maintain indefinitely the policy of immobility on the American question, and says neutrality is not the whole duty of nations. It fully endorses Napoleon's views on the American question. Believing there is no chance whatever of restoring the Union, it says England is not bound to bear the obstructions to commerce and shipping — vexations so long as it appears she would endure greater exiles by taking action to end them — but she is not bound to endure them any longer. There is no principle which should prescribe to her for an indefinite period a national silence and immobility, if by speaking and moving she can exert a pacifying influence on the combatants, who have lost their independence and power of self control.

A dispatch from London, of the 28th June--the very latest — says: ‘"The Persia's advices excited attention so-day."’ The impression prevails that Lee has made a mistake in invading the North; that it will give President Lincoln great assistance in raising men and means, will again excite a warlike feeling throughout the North, and tend to prolong the war.

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