Additional foreign news.
We gather some additional news from English papers of the 8th, (of which extracts are published in the New York papers:)
The correspondence relative, to the seizure of the schooner
Will o' the Wisp, by the U. S. ship
Montgomery, is published.
The facts of the case, as described before the U. S. Prize Court, are already known.
The
Court held that the capture was not warranted, but owing to some suspicious circumstances the
Court deemed that the capture should only pay their own expenses.
Correspondence ensued upon this, and Earl Russell requested Lord Lynch to state to
Mr. Seward that Her Majesty's Government were dissatisfied with the decision, and considered that some compensation should be granted to the owners.
Mr. Seward replied that if the owners were dissatisfied they might carry the case to the Court of Appeals. Earl Russell therefore writes to Lord Lyons requesting him to inform
Mr. Seward that Her Majesty's Government have heard with regret the answer which he has returned on behalf of the
United States, and still hope she will reconsider the matter. "The circumstances of the case." he says, "present no clear an instance of unmistakable and the ground alleged by the
Judge for not aware in the costs, at least if not also damages, is so inadequate on the face of it as to enable
Mr. Seward, upon consulting the law officers of the United States Government, to grant the redress prayed for without subjecting the injured parties to the delay and expense of further judicial proceedings."
This expression of opinion is duly made by Lord Lyons, and
Mr. Seward, in a long reply, states that if no it would be "incumbent" on the part of the United States Government to withdraw their confidence from the judicial tribunals of the country.
In accordance with the direct one of Earl Russell, the case was not pressed further, and there the matter rests.
The
Terms has an editorial on the subject, and is glad that
Mr. Seward's peevish letter was not replied to. It says: ‘"While we sympathize with the loss and inconvenience inflicted on the parties interested in the Will o' the Wrap, we have no reason to be dissatisfied with the general tenor of the judgment, and nothing to gain, as a nation, by pushing the pretensions of neutrals beyond their entitled limits.
Had the ship been condemned, and the condemnation confirmed on appeal, it would have been our duty to demand redress, but we cannot compel, and ought not to expect, an angry belligerent to be generous as well as just. "’
The proceedings in Parliament on the 7th inst. were quite unimportant.
Lord Clarence Pagot, in a letter to the
Times, pronounces the report that he is to take the command of the British squadron on the
North American station as quite unfounded.
The New York correspondent of the
Times, writing on June 26, says there has been a great revulsion of sentiment among all classes.
The object of
Gen. Lee in his advance in
Maryland and
Pennsylvania is admitted by nearly every one except a few philosophical opinionists and Government contractors to be nothing less than the capture of
Washington Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet, as well as
General Hooker, share this opinion.
There is a very widespread and earnest wish that
Lee may be successful.
The belief that the present Administration is incompetent to conduct the war, that it cannot conquer the
South, that the
South will indubitably receive its independence, and that it is better for all parties that it should do as without further bloodshed, spread rapidly from the lower grades of the working classes upward until it has pervaded the whole mass of society except the , the , and the newspaper editors.
It is openly expressed in the ferry boats it is discussed in hotel lobbies and reading rooms; it is the staple topic of conversation, and appears to be so deeply and so universally diffused as to have hushed the trumpeters of war, and welded the conflicting passions, interests, and convictions of a great people into the homogeneity of one weary, disgusted, and all but inelegant prayer for place.
In every part of the country the war seen's to have subsided.
New England, which of 900,000 volunteers which she would send to support the policy of Emancipation, has not sent a man to the relief of
Pennsylvania.
The
Northwest organizes all their young men in societies to resist aid to the war which the common sense of the majority has long since ceased to approve.
Such is the nation while
Lee is thundering at the place of the
Capital and in the people rather approve than the
Confederate chief and with that were
President instead of
Mr. Lincoln to settle a difficulty which is out of
Mr. Lincoln's reach over to appearance.
Federal Government into perdition.
The extracts from the
French press are inter The Putts mon the official has the following explanation about the of
Messrs. and
Lindsay to
Napoleon:
The journals have given publicity to an incident which occurred in the House of Commons on ing the cession of Tuesday last on the occasion of the preposition of
Mr. Roebuck.
A few explanations will suffice simpate the misunderstanding to which this incident has given place.
Messrs. Roebuck and
Lindsay visited Fon for the purpose of
persuading the Emperor to make an official movement at
London for the recognition of the
Southern States, as in their opinion, this recognition would not put an end to the struggle which overwhelms with blood the
United States.
The Emperor expressed to them his desire to see peace established in those Territories; but observed to them that the proposition of mediation, addressed to
London in the month of October not having been agreed to by
England, he did not think in his duty to make a new one before he was sure of its acceptance; that nevertheless the
Ambassador of
France of would receive instructions to sound the intentions of Lord Palmerston upon this point, and to give him to understand that if the
English believed that the recognition of the
South would put an end to the war
the Emperor would be disposed to follow it in this direction.
All impartial man will see by this simple statement that the
Emperor has not endeavored, as certain present, to influence the British Parliament by means of two of us members, and that everything was limited to frank explanations, exchanged is an interview which his Majesty bad no reason to refuse.
The
Presse, a paper with Federal proclivities, commenting on this says:
‘
This explanation throws the light at length upon the rumors put in circulation and upon the of contradictions which arose between
Lord John Russell and
Mr. Roebuck. --
Baron Gros was to receive instructions to sound the intentions of Lord Palmerston. --This fact remains, and, without desiring to hazard too much in advance in the system of diplomacy, we think we may hope that in a short time the question will be put again, and arose clearly.
’
Le Nord says:
‘
The published in the this morning confirms to and all our former information, and three days ago we were not wrong in saying that the question of the recognition of the
South was seriously entertained in the councils of the
Emperor.
We think we may add that the
French Government, while taining the greatest prudence in the realization of its intentions, is decided in principle.
’
The
Opinion says:
‘
A grave fact is exhibited in this affair; that the
French Government, by this new movement, puts itself in an antagonistic position with the
Cabinet of
Washington.
The visit of
Messrs. Roebuck and
Lindsay has had another result, which is, that it will force the
English Government to declare itself with great energy against any project of intervention, which adjourns possibly for a long time the hope conceived by the
Cabinet of the to make its policy prevail in the
United States by means of a common action.
’
La France says:
‘
The note of the does not limit itself to clearing up a misunderstanding.
It expresses an idea which is placed in words for the first time, in a formal manner, in an official journal.
It is, that if the propositions of
France are resumed they will have for their certain object the recognition of the
South.
Six months ago this recognition only presented itself as an eventual result of meditation, now, in the idea of the
French Government, it is no longer the of hostilities that will bring about the recognition of the
South, but the fact of the recognition of the
South which, according to all probability, will bring about the tion of
’