Our late Northern files contain some intelligence which we give below:
The Widening Rupture in the Republican party--the New York heard on the situation.
The New York
Herald, and the following article upon the split to the Republican party:
Upon the verge of a military campaign which it is universally believed will determine the final issue of this gigantic civil war, our attention has been somewhat abruptly diverged from the movements of the opposing armies to the following significant and Lincoln Presidential manifesto.
New York, March 25, 1864.
To the National Executive Committee of the Union and Republican Parties:
Gentlemen: The undersigned, friends of the
Government and supporters of the present administration, respectfully suggest to you the propriety of reconsidering your recent action calling a convention of the
Union and Republican parties at
Baltimore on the 7th day of June next, to nominate a candidate for
President of the
United States for the ensuing term.
In the opinion of the undersigned the country is not now in a posit on to enter into a Presidential contest.
It is very important that all parties friendly to the
Government shall be united in support of a single candidate, and that when a selection shall be made it shall be acquiesced in by all loyal sections of the country, and by all branches of the loyal party.
It is equally clear that such unanimity cannot at present be obtained, and it is not believed that it can be reached as early as the day named by you for the National Convention.
Upon the result of the measures adopted by the Administration to finish the war during the present
spring and
summer will depend the wish of the people to continue in power their present leaders.
or to change them for those from whom they may expect other and more satisfactory results.
Whatever time may be gained will be an advantage to the country, inasmuch as it will allow of the forming of a better informed opinion on these subjects.
In the opinion of the undersigned, whatever will tend to lessen the duration and allay the acrimony of the Presidential strife, which is always exciting and disturbing in proposition to the length of the canvass, will be an advantage to the country.
In periods of war and great civil revulsions time is reckoned by events, and months are as years in the periods of peace.
With a pure and patriotic desire to serve the best interests of the country, and in the belief that they will be best served by a postponement of a political convention to the latest day possible, we respectfully ask that you will reconsider your action, and name a day for the assembling of the National Convention not earlier than the first day of September next.
Respectfully, your obedient servants,
- District.
- 19--A H Bailey,
- 18--James A Bell,
- 17--Albert Hobbs,
- 15--James M Cook.
- 26--Charles J Folger,
- 32--N M Allen,
- 30--Wilkes Angell,
- 27--S T Hayt,
- District
- 29--Dan G Cole,
- 21--Cheney Ames,
- 12--F H Hastings,
- 2--D Strong.
- 6--Wm Laimbeer, Jr.,
- 23--Frederick Juliana,
- 24--E Cornell,
- 9--H R Low, contestant.
The above list contains the names of two thirds of the Unionists chosen to our present State Senate.
Others, who would doubtless have signed, were not in
Albany when the above signatures were given.
We understand that but two
Senators declined to affix their names--
Ed. Tribune
This is a flank movement by the
Chase Republicans of New York to defeat the nomination of Line in, for which a majority of the delegates to the Baltimore Convention of the 7th of June has been neatly cut and dried.
The New York
Herald, we are afraid, is to some extends responsible for the movement which threatens the country with another term of four years to
Abraham Lincoln.
For some time last summer we advocated his claims to a re-election on high conservative grounds; but we intended nothing more than a repetition of our amusing Presidential experiment with "Live Oak George." The idea of another term to "Old Abe" appeared to us so very extraordinary that it could not fail to be regarded as the best joke of the season, and all the better from the gravest possible treatment of the subject.
But
Mr. Lincoln, like George Law, must have been convinced by our arguments that he was the people's choice; for when
Mr. Seward made a short political visit to his native State in the fall it was to announce to his neighbors that, as
Abraham Lincoln was elected
President not of a party, but of all the
United States, common justice demanded that he should be retained in office until
de facte recognized as
President of the whole country — meaning that he was entitled to another term to make good his first election.
The shipt thus thrown out by
Mr Seward was speedily followed up by active engineering.
The winter was thus appropriated on an extensive scale of operations.
The results were positively astounding to all the and Lincoln Republican factions, with the return of the first month of spring.
The Republican State Convention of
New Hampshire opened fire in favor of
Mr. Lincoln, and this signal was followed by a continuous volley from Lincoln State Legislatures and State Conventions from
Pennsylvania to
California.
The National Republican Committee, meantime — no doubt duty posted up — met in
Washington and appointed the 7th June for their Presidential Convention, and thus, with a majority of the delegates and the time and place arranged to their liking, the
Lincoln engineers began to flatter themselves that the succession was settled.
Mr. Seward, the Binir family,
Simon Cameron,
Thurlow Weed, and the
Chevalier Forney, were among the happiest of men.
But their rejoicing began too soon.
Mutterings of discontent from various anti-Lincoln journals of the party began to be heard, the independent
Fremont legion began to bristle up,
Greeley began to grumble, the meets of the
Evening Post began to growl, and then came the bombshell of the
Chase Pomeroy anti-Lincoln circular.
Then there was a Cabinet crisis, and next there was an armistice between
Lincoln and
Chase, involving the graceful mock retirement of the latter from the Presidential contest.
The late terrible speech against
Chase by F P
Blair, Jr, in Congress, and his immediate appointment by the
President to an Important command in the army, and the
House proceedings thereon, show that the conflict between the
President and his
Secretary is irrepressible.
What next.
The
Chase faction desire a postponement of the Baltimore Convention till September, simply because they have been caught napping, and want time to intrigue and to buy up the trading politicians among the delegates to suit their purposes.
Postponed or not, the
Convention will be but a gathering of trading politicians, and some incompetent candidate may be expected.--From the beginning of these national party conventions we may date the beginning of our present troubles.
The first convention candidate was
Martin Van Buren, and his convention successors,
Harrison,
Polk Taylor, poor
Pierce, poor old
Buchanan, and
Lincoln, the joker, are a sorry catalogue.
The time has fully come when the responsible representatives of the people in Congress should again take this matter of the Presidential nominations into their own hands.
Under this system — from 1800 to 1824--we had such
Presidents as
Jefferson,
Madison and
Monroe; and in resuming it we are confident that a Congressional cancus will return to our first class men. Let the war and Union members of Congress, therefore, hold a conference or two and cause it to be understood that towards the close of the present session they will dominate a Union ticket for the Presidency, and these corrupt and demoralizing party conventions will be superseded.
In the meantime the events of the impending military campaign will be very apt to designate the right man for the succession.
For the present, a meeting of the
Union or war members of the two houses of Congress, of all parties, and the appointment of a day for the nomination of a Congressional Presidential ticket, will be satisfactory to the country.
The abolition Anniversaries in New York.
[from the New York Herald.]
The anniversary time is coming; but the accustomed spirit and bustle, demonstrations of white cravats and so forth, do not seem to be coming with it. Anniversary week is likely to be a very flat time this year, and yet it ought not to be on. Now is the hour for the Abolitionists to take more special interest than ever in the new theory of miscegenation Practically the science is yet but an infant, and needs all the tender nursing which can be bestowed upon it. The Anti Slavery Society, which commences operations at
Dr. Cheevers' church on the 10th inst, will no doubt take care of the question, and the
Women's National League, whose object is to carry northern charity, ministers, teachers, &c, into the
Union portions of the
South, must, from the nature of its mission, take a hand in the miscegenation scheme.
But where are all the other abolition societies?
If they would not perish entirely, and the Tunds reach a lower point than they have already come to — and that slow enough — they must go in with miscegenation Slavery bring now virtually dead, and slavery becomes a paradox, and, as they must do something for a living, the agitation of miscegenation is the only course left to them.
The blockade squadron,
The New York
Herald has the following paragraph relative to the farce called by the
Yankees a blockade:
‘
The blockade runners are doing a thriving business while
Mr. Welles is taking a comfortable nap. They are running freely, it appears, to and fro upon the ocean, carrying rebel products to
Europe and bringing back rebel supplies from the sympathizers on the other side of the
Atlantic.
We hear of 12 vessels arriving at
Liverpool in two days, leader with cotton from the rebel States.
We also learn by our flies from
Bermuda that the steamer
Minnie has just brought in there 732 tons of cotton and 320 boxes of tobacco from
Wilmington, and that quite a fleet of steamers had reached that Island inden with merchandize for the use of the
Southern
rebels. These facts suggest the question, have we a blockading squadron on our coast at all. The port of
Wilmington certainly might as will be in cent of the presence of any such portion of the naval service.
’
