Additional from the North.We take from our latest Northern files some additional items concerning affairs in the United States:
General M'Clellan's friends Deserting him.A telegram from Washington, dated the 6th, says the pressure on Lincoln to restore General McClelland to command, and put him in charge of the army and defences of Washington, is constantly increasing, and adds: ‘ Leading and influential Republicans are constantly urging, personally and by letter, the necessity of something of the kind being done. The President, it is understood, is disposed to yield, at least so far as to authorize him to raise at once fifty thousand men for the special service. indicated; but a leading member of the Cabinet opposes it. There is a very lively row going on about this matter, and its importance is by no means underestimated by either the friends or enemies of McClellan. The result is yet uncertain; but if the opposition of the individual referred to were overcome, no further difficulty would be experienced in arranging it. ’ The New York Herald, which has been a thorough going McClellan paper, takes this occasion to give him a stab. It says: ‘ The Journal of Commerce professes to be a wise and discreet friend of General McClellan. We doubt its friendship very much. It continually declare that McClellan is the only great soldier in the country. We have always had large faith in the abilities of General McClellan, and have always earnestly desired that the public service should have the benefit of those abilities; but it is absurd to assort, in the face of the history of the last few years, and in view especially of the achievements of Generals Grant and Sherman, that General McClellan monopolizes the military genius of the country, Let not the real friends of McClellan be led to injure him through such mistaken real. ’
The last Confederate visit to Hagerstown.A correspondent of the Baltimore American, writing from Hagerstown, Maryland, on the 3d instant, says: ‘ Our town has again been visited by the rebel raiders. On Friday afternoon last, about two o'clock, rebel cavalry, over two hundred in number, entered the town by the Williamsport piko, the forces of General Averill having gone in pursuit of the raiders at Chambersburg. The rebels burned nine cars, with government stores, at the depot, after helping themselves to such of the contents as they wished to carry off. They broke open the hat stores of Messrs. Rouskutp &Updergraff, and the stores of Messrs. Bowman &Winters, confectioners. They also released from jail, Kramer, imprisoned for the murder of Wright, at Harristown, about two weeks since, he going off with them. The chivalry have quite a free way of supplying themselves, as an incident will illustrate: A number of citizens were congregated upon a street corner, when a burly freebooter rode up and asked which one had the largest hat, and, after suiting himself, rode off with a chuckle of satisfaction. Other parties received similar attentions. The rebel left about six o'clock, returning towards Williamsport. Their commander was a Captain Adreon. ’
An incendiary document in New York.A letter in the Philadelphia Inquirer from New York, dated the 3d instant, says. ‘ An incendiary document will make its appearance to-morrow, in the shape of an address to the workingmen of New York, the design of which looks as if it might be to pave the way for a formidable resistance to the draft in September. The war is fiercely denounced as one waged by capitalists against laborers, and the Administration is arraigned in a style which has never been ventured upon as yet outside of Richmond. Mr. Lincoln, we are told, refuses to make peace until white men and negroes are reduced to the same level. Moreover, the workingmen of New York are informed that (I quote) "the slaveholder is your (their) natural ally and the defender of your (their) rights and interests." ’ Again, we are told, that "in this war the rich escape the burdens it imposes, while the poor do the fighting, and have to pay the cost. Free negroes are overrunning the North as paupers for white workingmen to support, or as low-priced laborers, crowding white men out of the market." "The laborer is thus being reduced to the vassalage of the Middle Ages in order only that the negro should be free," etc., etc. The close of the address indicates that it is intended to operate at the Chicago Convention, as well as upon the minds of the workingmen here. A "Peace" candidate for President is demanded, and the demand, we are told, will "have to be respected."
Governor Seymour and Mayor Gunther taking advantage of Lincoln.The following article, in the Philadelphia Inquirer, shows that the two highest officials of New York took a most unfair advantage of Abe on the occasion of issuing their proclamations in support of his for fasting and prayer: ‘ Can there be more malicious men than those who would interpolate into a call for universal prayer expressions of partisan malice and evidences of the bitterness which excoriates their own hearts! Can there be meaner men than those who interline in an official document of a devotional, and not of a political character, a request, come pray for us and for our party? We should think not, and yet Governor Seymour, of New York State, and Mayor Gunther, of New York city, have been weak enough to do these things. Governor Seymour, pretending to enforce the President's proclamation appointing a day of humiliation and prayer — a proclamation national in its character and free from offensive allusions to men of any shade of opinion — adds to it the opposition creed, and Mayor Gunther does the same thing, but more offensively, Seymour says, pray against all "sectional hatred." Does he mean the hatred of his party against New England, which re-echoes the rebel slang which is popular at Richmond! or does he mean what his partisans stigmatize as the "sectional hatred" which the people of the loyal States, upon whom desperate war is waged by Southern traitors, naturally feel against an oligarchy who have deluged the land in blood and raised their parricidal hands against the government which they were bound to support by "the constitution as it was?" He desires the prayers of the people against "bigotry and malice"--the bigotry and malice of slaveholders against republican institutions, Governor, or what your friends call the bigotry and malice of the United States and its supporters against the wicked assailants of the Union and the prosperity of the country? He wants the people to pray that they may be relieved from "heavy burdens, " meaning the lawful and necessary taxation of the government. He desires that "they shall be safe in their homes from all violence and oppression"--such as occurred at Chambersburg the other day? or is this to be a prayer for the publishers of the New York World and Journal of Commerce? His peroration is sublimely doubtful. He says: "Let us pray that God will give wisdom to our rulers," (particularly to Governor Seymour, say we,) "purity to our legislators (amen to that, whether they meet at Albany or Harrisburg), uprightness and boldness to our judges." Is this a slap at the New York Judges McCunn and Russell? They certainly have boldness, but uprightness would fit them strangely. And finally, he wants "meckness and charity in the clergy," qualities which we imagine the majority of them possess much more of than this governor. ’ The proclamation is no doubt considered a gubernatorial triumph. It will be read with joy in Richmond; it will cheer the heart of every wisher of evil to the United States Government. Is it not cunningly done? It is of course a harmless, meek, devout document, penned by the Governor in the hour of his own penitence, and no doubt after a sincere prayer on his own account, the spirit of which filled his heart with christian sentiment. Mayor Gunther, being a much smaller potentate than Governor Seymour, imagines himself entitled to be less dignified. His proclamation contains the following remarkable passage: ‘ --To the ministers of the various churches, on whom will devolve the duty of opening prayer in the presence of their congregations, and especially those ministers who have inculcated the doctrines of war and blood, so much at variance with the teachings of their Divine Master, I would humbly recommend that they will, on that solemn occasion, invoke the mercy of Heaven to hasten the relief of our suffering people by turning the hearts of those in authority to the blessed ways of 'peace.' ’
Monocacy, Maryland, on the 7th, gives the following about Grant's visit to Hunter: ‘ Has been with us for twelve hours of the last twenty-four. Friday afternoon, at a little before five o'clock, the loungers of the Relay House were somewhat astonished to see a small man, wearing three stars and smoking a cigar, descend from a car of the Washington 3 P. M. train. Taking a chair on the railroad platform, he talked with the four staff officers accompanying him for an hour or more, when a special car from Baltimore hauled up at the Relay House, and in a moment after, the Lieutenant-General was on his way to-hold a conference with General Hunter, whose headquarters then were at the Thomas House, about a mile and a half south of the railroad at Monocacy junction. ’ The train arrived at the Junction at about 7 o'clock, and a conveyance being in waiting, General Grant was immediately conveyed to Hunter's headquarters, where he remained during the night. Of what transpired there nothing is known, and we can only guess at it as events slowly develop themselves in the future. In the course of conversation this morning Grant said of the late repulse at Petersburg that there was no earthly reason why it should not have been an entire success if his orders had been obeyed. The springing of the mine, he said, was a complete surprise to the rebels, and it only needed obedience to his orders to have routed the entire rebel army.