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The Presidential campaign at the North.

The nomination of General McClellan for the Presidency has produced intense excitement among all classes at the North. The Democrats generally are in cestacies, while the Republicans seem to regard it with some apprehension. The New York Herald advises the former to keep cool, and says:

‘ We are now on the eve of two State elections which will throw much light on this vexed question of "the succession." Vermont will vote for State officers four days from now, and Maine on the 12th instant. If the Republicans increase, or even hold the majorities by which they carried those States in the two preceding years, the prospects of the Democratic Presidential nominee will be seriously, though not perhaps hopelessly, clouded; while if the Democrats can carry, or even go close to carrying, one or both of these Republican State strongholds, the shoddyites and horse contractors may at once begin paying their homage to General McClellan as "next President of the Union."

’ Let the adherents of General McClellan, therefore, not crow too loudly until after the results of the Vermont and Maine elections shall have been made known. The friends of "Little Mac" should be at work there, and not blowing their horns over a victory which yet remains to be won.

How M'Clellan's nomination was received.

The following dispatches show the spirit of rejoicing through the North over McClellan's nomination:

Kingston, N. Y., September 1.--The Democrats of Kingston are having a large meeting here tonight. Addresses have been made by Hon. D. M. Dewett and others. One hundred guns were fired in honor of the nomination, and buildings illuminated.

Harrisburg, Pa., September 1. --National salutes were fired by the Democrats near Fort Washington last evening, and on Capitol Hill this morning, in honor of the nomination of McClellan and Pendleton.

Belfast, Me.,September 1.--The friends of McClellan have thrown out a flag and fired one hundred guns in honor of his nomination.

Dover, N. H., September 1.--The Democracy of this city fired one hundred guns to-night in honor of McClellan. His friends are jubilant.

The following is an extract from a letter from Chicago in the New York Herald:

‘ I have witnessed numerous ratification meetings at the close of the labors of national or presidential conventions, I but never saw one that would compare in enthusiasm with this. The gathering at Baltimore to ratify the nomination of Lincoln, at the close of the proceedings of that convention, was a mere handful compared to this. When I state that there were at the demonstration last night one hundred persons to every one person at Baltimore, or at least twice as many thousands as there were hundreds at the Lincoln meeting in Baltimore, I am speaking within bounds, and, if anything, below the real extent of this gathering.

’ The Lincoln ratification meeting here in 1860, at the conclusion of the labours of the convention, was a mere town meeting compared to this.

Bloody work Anticipated — excited State of feeling at the North.

The Herald seems to think that the bitter partisan feeling, already aroused, may lead to a bloody issue. It therefore urges moderation, and administers the following wholesome advice to the contestants:

‘ The issues of the approaching Presidential election are too important to be treated in any factious spirit. We had hoped, and urged, that both parties should unite upon one candidate, like General Grant, and thus secure the election of a pure and honest patriot, unbiased by any political prejudices, and devoted solely to the salvation of the Union. In this we have been disappointed.

’ The Democratic and Republican journals and orators have begun the work in a wrong spirit. Still, as the canvass is just opened, it is not too late for them so repent and reform. Mr. Lincoln and General McClellan stand upon different platforms and represent different parties; but this is no reason why they should not be treated as gentlemen by their political opponents. Let it be understood at the very outset that Mr. Lincoln is not "a scoundrel," and that General McClellan is not "a traitor," and we shall get through the canvass much more creditably and comfortably. But if these phrases are to be the key-notes of the discussion, how long will it be before Democrats and Republicans will shoot and stab each other in our streets? Already the Tribune has started the electioneering lie that General McClellan offered his sword to the rebels before he joined the Union army, and the World has retorted by threatening to expose "the infamy-- yes, that's the word, infamy — of the White House."Now, what does this disgraceful style of controversy effect? How many votes does it win? It makes partisan journalism despicable and excites partisan passions; that is about all it amounts to. We insist that it shall be stopped, and we propose to take measures to stop it.

Another bad feature of this canvass is the secret society business. The Democrats are said to have several secret political societies, and the Republicans certainly have the Loyal Leagues, which are secret associations, having their headquarters in private arsenals. All such societies are un-American. They are unpatriotic. They lead to disorder and to bloodshed. If the Republicans have any of the virtues to which they lay claim, they will disband these leagues at once. If the Democrats are as patriotic as they profess to be, they will have nothing more to do with secret associations. There is no issue involved in the coming election which may not be discussed openly. No oaths, or grips, or passwords, are required. Fair, free and frank discussion is the only thing needed to settle this election satisfactorily. Should we carry this election quietly, and should the beaten party submit peacefully, we shall have proven ourselves a great people. But if the election is to be accompanied by bloodshed and followed by a Northern revolution, there is an end of the country.

The war for Abolitionism.

The Troy Daily Press, in a review of the war from its inception to the present time, with the vacillating and disingenuous course of the Abolition leaders, first in proclaiming it a war for the restoration of the Union, and finally settling down to a war openly waged for the destruction of the institutions of the South, says:

‘ Terms of negotiation which embrace "a restoration of peace and the integrity of whole Union,"President Lincoln will not listen to, unless they embrace the further proposition that the seceded States shall abandon slavery!

’ Hereafter, can this war be called "a war for the Union !" Evidently Mr. Lincoln does not so understand it. He wishes the Union restored, and he wishes the restoration of peace, but he wishes neither unless slavery is abolished.

This is his platform for the campaign — here is the great object for which the war is now prosecuted, according to the President.

For ourselves, we can say we never favored a war to overthrow the domestic institutions of sovereign States, and never shall. We can have no heart in, nor words for, such a war. If this is the object of the contest, the sooner our armies are recalled and disbanded the better — for in such a war we can neither achieve nor deserve success. A war to maintain the constitutional authority of the Federal Government in all the States is one thing; but an unconstitutional, lawless, abolition crusade, which asks the country to bankrupt itself, tax labor, and to give millions of more lives, that a boon of doubtful value may be conferred on the negroes of the South, is quite another. The people of the Southern States are justified before God and all the world in resisting such a crusade, and they will make that resistance successful. There is no hope for the Union cause — no prospect of securing any return for the blood and treasure already spent in the war, but in taking the management of the Government out of the hands of those who have perverted a great national cause to contemptible and insane purposes, and giving power to men who will initiate a new policy; who will gladly welcome and receive all propositions for peace which contemplate a restored Union, with each State left in the free and full enjoyment of all its rights under the old Constitution of our fathers.

No Democrat, no conservative man of the, Webster, Clay, Bell and Everett school, ever favored the war for the purpose which President Lincoln now virtually declares it is waged. They could not do so without doing violence to their own sense of right and turning their backs squarely on all the professions of their lives. Heretofore there had been War Democrats, who favored the war on the Crittenden resolution quoted at the head of this article; but "War Democrats, " who are for the war on the Lincoln, subjugation and abolition platform, will be hard to find, and will prove to be only Republicans when found. Such should and will vote for Lincoln — a most fit leader, because the most conspicuous in apostasy from his Union professions, and the first official in the land to declare the war to be simply one for negroes and not white men — for abolition and not Union. All other Democrats, and tens of thousands of undeceived and patriotic Republicans, will rally under a different banner — for the Union and the Constitution.

M'Clellan and his friends.

The committee to notify General McClellan and Mr. Pendleton of their nominations are to meet in New York on the 8th of September. The Herald, alluding to the whereabouts of the General, says:

‘ There was a rumor current in the city yesterday that General McClellan would arrive in town in the course of the day, and that his friends proposed to serenade him at his private residence in Fourth avenue. On the strength of this rumor, Mr. Douglas Taylor of Old Tammany, and other leading Democrats, made the most complete arrangements for a successful serenade; but, notwithstanding the most active inquiry, the report of the General's arrival could be traced to no reliable source. On the contrary, many gentlemen, of good information, asserted that there was no reason to suppose that the General would come to the city at present; at least, not until he had formally accepted the Chicago nomination by letter. Come when he may, however, he may be sure of a cordial reception. For the present, he is staying quietly with his family at Orange, New Jersey.

The Democratic National Committee.

The following persons compose the National Democratic Committee for the next four years:

Maine, J. A. Lyman, of Portland; New Hampshire, Josiah Menot, of Concord; Vermont, H. S. Smith, of Milton; Massachusetts, F. O. Prince, of Boston; Connecticut, William M. Convorse, of Norwich; Rhode Island, Gideon Bradford, of Providence; New York, August Belmont, of New York city; New Jersey, N. G. Steele, of -- Pennsylvania, W. A. Galbraith, of Erie; Delaware, John A. Nicholson, of--; Maryland, Odin Bowie, of Covington; Kentucky, James Guthrie, of Louisville, and I. Trimble, of Paducah; Ohio, Rufus R. Ranny, of Cleveland; Indiana, W. E. Niblack, of--; Illinois, Wilbur T. Story, of Chicago; Michigan, W. L. Bancroft, of Port Huron; Missouri, Lewis W. Bogg, of St. Louis; Minnesota, John H. McKinney, of Chatfield; Wisconsin, George H. Paul, of Milwaukie; Iowa, D. O. French, of Des Moines; Kansas, Isaac E. Eaton, of Leavenworth; California. Thomas Hughes, of San Francisco; Oregon, William McMelian, of.--

The committee organized by the election of August Belmont, Chairman, and F. O. Prince, Secretary.

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