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There was, at this time, in constant and familiar intercourse with Bocchus, a Numidian named Aspar, who had been sent to him by Jugurtha, when he heard of Sylla's intended interview, in the character of embassador, but secretly to be a spy on the Mauretanian king's proceedings. There was also with him a certain Dabar, son of Massugrada, one of the family of Masinissa,1 but of inferior birth on the maternal side, as his father was the son of a concubine. Dabar, for his many intellectual endowments, was liked and esteemed by Bocchus, who, having found him faithful2 on many former occasions, sent him forthwith to Sylla, to say "that he was ready to do whatever the Romans desired; that Sylla himself should appoint the place, day, and hour,3 for a conference; that he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate ;4 and that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador as any restraint5 on the discussion of their common interests, since, without admitting him, he could have no security against Jugurtha's treachery." I find, however, that it was rather from African duplicity6 than from the motives which he professed, that Bocchus thus allured both the Romans and Jugurtha with the hopes of peace; that he frequently debated with himself whether he should deliver Jugurtha to the Romans, or Sylla to Jugurtha; and that his inclination swayed him against us, but his fears in our favor.
1 CVIII. Of the family of Masinissa] “Ex gente Masinissœ.” Massugrada was the son of Masinissa by a concubine.
2 Faithful] “Fidum.” After this word, in the editions of Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Allen, and Dietsch, follows Romanis or esse Romanis. These critics defend Romanis on the plea that a dative is necessary after fidum, and that it was of importance as Castilioneus observes that Dabar should be well disposed toward the Romans, and not have been corrupted, like many other courtiers of Bocchus, by the bribes of Jugurtha. Glareanus, Badius Ascensius, the Bipont editors, and Burnouf, with most of the translators, omit Romanis, and I have thought proper to imitate their example.
3 Place, day, and hour] “Diem, locum, tempus.” Not only the day, but the time of the day.
4 That he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate] “Consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere.” Kritzius justly observes that most editors, in interpreting this passage, have erroneously given to consulta the sense of consulenda; and that the sense is, "that all that he had arranged with Sylla before, remained unaltered, and that he was not drawn from his resolutions by the influence of Jugurtha."
5 And that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador as any restraint, etc.] “Neu Jugurthœ legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius gereretur.” There is some difficulty in this passage. Burnouf makes the nearest approach to a satisfactory explanation of it. " Sylla," says he, " was not to fear the envoy of Jugurtha, quo, on which account (equivalent to eoque, and on that account, i.e. on account of his freedom from apprehension) their common interests would be more freely arranged." Yet it appears from what follows that fear of Jugurtha's envoy could not be dismissed, and that there could be no freedom of discussion in his presence, as Sylla was to say but little before him, and to speak more at large at a private meeting. These considerations have induced Kritzius to suppose that the word remoto, or something similar, has been lost after quo. The Bipont editors inserted cautum esse before quo, which is without authority, and does not at all assist the sense.
6 African duplicity] “Punicâ fide.” “"Punica fides was a well-known proverbial expression for treachery and deceit. The origin of it is perhaps attributable not so much to fact, as to the implacable hatred of the Romans toward the Carthaginians."” Bernouf.
Sallust. The Jugurthine War. Rev. John Selby Watson, M.A. New York and London. Harper & Brothers. 1899.
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