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HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF MEDFORD, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1630, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1855. (ed. Charles Brooks), Chapter 4: (search)
t which should render the Federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of government and the preservation of the Union. This convention was to meet in Philadelphia on the second Monday of May next. The General Court appoint Francis Dana, Elbridge Gerry, Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King, and Caleb Strong as Delegates from Massachusetts. At this juncture, the late requisition of Congress, Aug. 2, 1786, for $3,777,062, calls on our Commonwealth to pay its proportion, which was $324,746. The murt decorum and self-respect which evince an intelligent and virtuous community. Votes in Medford for representatives in Congress. Dates of Election.Names.No. of Votes. Dec. 18, 1788.William Hull16.  Eleazer Brooks11. Oct. 4, 1790.Elbridge Gerry46. Nov. 2, 1792.Suffolk, Fisher Ames16.  Essex, Benjamin Goodhue16.  Middlesex, Samuel Dexter12. For the three counties, or district. Nov. 2, 1792.John Coffin Jones15. For the state at large, except Maine.  David Cobb16. Nov. 3, 1794.
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 2: (search)
rties the question of representation Compromise effected Randolph's resolutions the word national condemned plan of Government framed difficulty with regard to ratification, and its solution provision for secession from the Union views of Gerry and Madison false Interpretations close of the convention. When the convention met in Philadelphia in May, 1787, it soon became evident that the work before it would take a wider range and involve more radical changes in the Federal Constitutual, and its terms and articles to be inviolably observed by every State. Opposition was made to the provision on this very ground—that it was virtually a dissolution of the Union, and that it would furnish a precedent for future secessions. Gerry, a distinguished member from Massachusetts—afterward Vice-President of the United States—said, If nine out of thirteen (States) can dissolve the compact, six out of nine will be just as able to dissolve the future one hereafter. Madison, who w<
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 7: (search)
be deducible. Now it happens that these very terms—compact, confederacy, accede, and the like—were the terms in familiar use by the authors of the Constitution and their associates with reference to that instrument and its ratification. Other writers, who have examined the subject since the late war gave it an interest which it had never commanded before, have collected such an array of evidence in this behalf that it is necessary only to cite a few examples. The following language of Gerry of Massachusetts in the convention of 1787, has already been referred to: If nine out of thirteen States can dissolve the compact, six out of nine will be just as able to dissolve the new one hereafter. Gouverneur Morris, one of the most pronounced advocates of a strong central government in the convention, said: He came here to form a compact for the good of Americans. He was ready to do so with all the States. He hoped and believed they all would enter into such a compact. If they wou
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Appendix F (search)
tly purchase it by yielding national powers. From this, it might be understood in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of her favorite prerogatives. If left to herself, she may probably put a stop to the evil. As one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of the sect of ——, which, he said was a respectable class of people who carried their ethics beyond the mere equality of men, extending their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation. Ibid., p. 459. Mr. Gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it. Ibid. Mr. King thought the subject should be considered in a political light only. If two States will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great and equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. He remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, while every other import w
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Index (search)
Friends, Society of, 2. Frost, Gen. D. M., 356-57. Fugitives, rendition laws, 12-13, 37, 68-69. G Gage, General, 100-101. Gaillard, John, 9. Gardner, Captain, 326-327. Colonel, 306, 326. Garnett, Gen., Robert, 293-94, 319, 321, 374. Gatchell, William H., 290-91. Georgia. Slavery question, 1, 2. Instructions to delegates to Constitutional convention, 79. Ratification of Constitution, 92. Ordinance of secession, 189. Germantown (ship), 285. Gerry, Elbridge, 86, 117. Gorgas, Gen. J., 409. Chief of ordnance for Confederacy, 269. Extract from monograph on development of ordnance supply, 412-13. Grant, Gen. Ulysses S., 345-46, 347. Greeley, Horace, 219, 252. Green, James S., 53. Grimes, 58. H Hale, —, 456. Hamilton, Alexander, 94, 117, 135, 137, 139, 152, 159, 219. Remarks on sovereignty, 122, 127-28. Extracts from political essays, 137-38. Opposition to armed force against states, 151. Hamlin, —, 42, 44.
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Anti-federal party. (search)
ce in the United States. The commercial and creditor classes, and the Southern property owners, who had learned their weaknesses and their needs, united for the control of the convention, in 1787, under the leadership of Hamilton, and a few other of the advanced thinkers, and formed the nucleus of what was soon to be called the Federal party. As the old government had been strictly federal, or league, in its nature, it would seem natural that its supporters should be called federalist, and Gerry, of Massachusetts, and a few others made some effort to secure this party title, and give their opponents that of anti-federalists or nationalists. But the object of the Constitution was to secure a strong federal government; and all who were opposed to this new feature of American politics at once accepted the name of Anti-Federalists, and opposed the ratification of the Constitution, inside and outside of the conventions. In Rhode Island and North Carolina this opposition was for a time
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Declaration of Independence. (search)
and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. Signed by order and in behalf of the Congress. John Hancock, President. Attested, Charles Thompson, Secretary. New Hampshire. Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton. Massachusetts Bay. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. Rhode Island, Etc. Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. Connecticut. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. New York. William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. New Jersey. Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark. North Carolina. William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. Georgia. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton. Pennsylvania. Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamiin Fran
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Depew, Chauncey Mitchell, 1834- (search)
the convention the unimpaired vigor and resources of the wisest brain, the most hopeful philosophy, and the largest experience of the times. Oliver Ellsworth, afterwards chief-justice of the United States, and the profoundest juror in the country; Robert Morris, the wonderful financier of the Revolution, and Gouverneur Morris, the most versatile genius of his period; Roger Sherman, one of the most eminent of the signers of the Declaration of Independence; and John Rutledge, Rufus King, Elbridge Gerry, Edmund Randolph, and the Pinckneys, were leaders of unequalled patriotism, courage, ability, and learning; while Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, as original thinkers and constructive statesmen, rank among the immortal few whose opinions have for ages guided ministers of state, and determined the destinies of nations. This great convention keenly felt, and with devout and serene intelligence met, its tremendous responsibilities. It had the moral support of the few whose aspirat
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Envoys to France. (search)
rdinary session of Congress to consider the matter. There had been a reaction among the people, and many leading Democrats favored war with France. A majority of the cabinet advised further negotiations, and John Marshall, a Federalist, and Elbridge Gerry, a Democrat, were appointed envoys extraordinary to join Pinckney and attempt to settle all matters in dispute. They reached France in October (1797), and sought an audience with the Directory. Their request was met by a haughty refusal, uns of the United States be ravaged by French cruisers from San Domino. They peremptorily refused, and Pinckney uttered, in substance, the noble words, Millions for defence, but not one cent for tribute! The envoys asked for their passports. They were given to the two Federalists under circumstances that amounted to their virtual expulsion, but Gerry, the Democrat, was induced to remain. He, too, was soon treated with contempt by Talleyrand and his associates, and he returned home in disgust.
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Federal convention, the. (search)
, of Delaware, and George Wythe, of Virginia. From among the signers of the Declaration of Independence, besides Franklin, Read, Wythe, and Sherman, had come Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, and Robert Morris, George Clymer, and James Wilson, of Pennsylvania. Eighteen members had, at the same time, been delegates to the Continenre Hamilton, Madison, and Edmund Randolph. then the successor of Patrick Henry as governor of Virginia. The members who took the leading part in the debates were Gerry, Gorham, and King, of Massachusetts; Johnson, Sherman, and Ellsworth, of Connecticut; Hamilton and Lansing, of New York; Paterson, of New Jersey; Wilson, Gouverneust of the members of the national convention: From New Hampshire—John Langdon, John Pickering, Nicholas Gilman, and Benjamin West; Massachusetts—Francis Dana, Elbridge Gerry, Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King, and Caleb Strong; Connecticut—William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman, and Oliver Ellsworth; New York—Robert Yates, John Lansing
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