Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for January 25th or search for January 25th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
same place, in support of the compromise, Seward's and Adams's names were applauded, and Sumner's received with groans and hisses. A committee, of which Everett, Winthrop, and A. A. Lawrence were members, went to Washington to promote the adoption of the Crittenden propositions. Everett and Lawrence called on Sumner, and the former with much emotion urged him to enlist in some scheme of compromise; but they found that he could not be moved. Works, vol. v. pp. 444, 463. New York Times, January 25. The city council by formal vote approved the Crittenden scheme. A petition in its support, with more than twenty thousand names procured in the cities and towns of the State, was, after being wrapped in the American flag, presented, February 12, by Mr. Crittenden in the Senate. Sumner, though keeping aloof from debates, was unwilling that the State should be put in a false position, and after Crittenden had presented the petition, took occasion at once to explain the character and effec
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
now at once the grave anxiety that has been inspired, and the light in which Mr. Greeley would regard any prolonged delay in an authoritative expression from you with reference to the combination against Grant. When urging me to go over and see you, he asked me to say that in case you were not going to support us explicitly and with your whole force, it was due to us to know at once, and that it might then become necessary for the Tribune to take a different tack. Mr. Reid had written, January 25, that Grant's name was not a symbol of union and victory. He wrote May 16, requesting the senator to contribute leaders to the Tribune, subjecting the President's qualifications for his office to critical analysis. The promoters of the movement were perplexed from the beginning as to the choice of a candidate,—it being essential to their success to nominate one strong in public confidence, likely to attract Republican voters and at the same time invite Democratic co-operation. There