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r of Virginia, that he had in no manner changed his views as presented in his annual message; that he could give no pledges; that it was his duty to enforce the laws, and the whole power rested with Congress. He promised, notwithstanding, that he would present the subject to that body. This was due both to its intrinsic importance and to the State of Virginia, which had manifested so strong a desire to restore and preserve the Union: The President, accordingly, in his message of the 28th January, submitting the Virginia resolutions to Congress, observed in regard to this one, that however strong may be my desire to enter into such an agreement, I am convinced that I do not possess the power. Congress, and Congress alone, under the war-making power, can exercise the discretion of agreeing to abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms between this and any other Government. It would, therefore, be a usurpation for the Executive to attempt to restrain t
e deemed sufficient for its defence. The fleet, says the Secretary, could have thrown six hundred men into the fort (seamen and marines), without including the company from Fortress Monroe. His testimony before the Hale Committee and the court-Martial on Captain Armstrong. Report No. 37, pp. 58, 284. Four days after the Brooklyn had left Fortress Monroe, Senators Slidell, Hunter, and Bigler received a telegraphic despatch from Senator Mallory, of Florida, dated at Pensacola on the 28th January, with an urgent request that they would lay it before the President. This despatch expressed an ardent desire to preserve the peace, as well as the most positive assurance from himself and Colonel Chase, that no attack would be made on the fort if its present status should be suffered to remain. The President carefully considered this proposal. The Brooklyn might not arrive in time for the preservation of this important fort, and for the relief of Lieutenant Slemmer. Besides, a collis