Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for January 29th or search for January 29th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
To A. G. Browne, who wished him to come to Boston to assist in preventing the repeal of the personal liberty law, he wrote, January 24, declining on account of duties at Washington:— But, believe me, I would do much, and suffer too if need be, to save our beloved Commonwealth from the shame of a backward step. There is not a personal liberty law or habeas corpus statute on her books which will not be mentioned among her glories when these events come to be written. He wrote, January 29, a long and earnest letter to Henry L. Pierce, then a member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, and afterwards serving with him in Congress:— I was glad when you were chosen to the Legislature; but I did not know then that I should have the special occasion for gratitude which fills me when I think that you are there to meet with steadfast opposition all those timid counsels which seek to overthrow our Massachusetts safeguards of personal liberty; for I did not then imagi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
umner's correspondents recognized the change for the better. Bright wrote to him, as early as Dec. 6, 1862: The antislavery sentiment here has been more called forth of late, especially since the proclamation was issued; and I am confident that every day the supporters of the South among us find themselves in greater difficulty owing to the course taken by your government in reference to the negro question. Cobden described in his letter to Sumner, Feb. 13, 1863, the scene in Exeter Hall January 29, where the multitude applauded the new policy of freedom; and he wrote that the recognition of the South by England on the basis of negro slavery had become an impossibility. Joshua Bates, in his letter to Sumner, May 13, testified to this change of public opinion. Adams recognized it in his letters to Seward, May 7 and June 5, without, however, mentioning the cause. The victories of Vicksburg and Gettysburg in July confirmed this direction of public opinion. Two English statesmen,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
of his nature. Works, vol. XIV. pp. 417-473. Some senators became weary of the subject, and one of them (Hamlin) forgot his sense of propriety by rising, when Sumner was insisting on action before final adjournment, and asking, with a serious air, if it would be in order to sing Old Hundred before voting. This remark was at first left out of the Congressional Globe, but afterwards restored (Jan. 26, Feb. 7 and 9, 1872: Globe, pp. 622, 866, 906). Gerrit Smith, in a letter to Sumner, January 29, rebuked Hamlin's levity. Sumner rebuked him for his trifling. The former controversy as to the force to be given to the Declaration of Independence in interpreting the Constitution was revived, and here Morrill was as far apart from Sumner as Carpenter had been. He refused to treat it as a source of power, although allowing it to be an inspiration and a pervading and all-powerful influence. He was a clear-sighted lawyer, and indeed anticipated in his positions the judgment of the Sup