Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for February 9th or search for February 9th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
uld be lost. Pray keep Massachusetts firm and strong. She must not touch a word of her personal liberty laws. The slightest act of surrender by her would be a signal for the abasement of the free States. To John Jay, February 5:— I am filled with grief and oppressed with mortification when I see what is going on [the surrender of principles]. But my faith is yet strong that God will guide us safely to the end, and uphold our cause even when men desert it. To F. W. Ballard, February 9:— I fear nothing now but compromise. The thing I am afraid of is fear, says old Montaigne; and he was very wise. To John Jay, March 27:— Everything tends, as I have foreseen, to a break — up of the Union. But Seward is infatuated; he says in sixty days all will be well. Sumner kept aloof from the debate on the crisis, yielding with some reluctance to the counsels of friends, who thought that if he gave his views his motives would be misconceived, and he would be accu
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
record the act. I return the letter of the prince, The Count of Paris, who had written to Mr. Jay concerning the purposes of the French government towards the United States. which I read carefully to the President, who liked it much, and said of it that it was the letter of a most sensible man. It confirms me in my opinion that the question will yet be presented in Europe whether such a new nation as these slave-mongers are now building can ever be recognized. Sumner introduced, February 9, a bill for the enlistment of slaves and others of African descent. The bill was commended in a leader in the New York Tribune, Feb. 12, 1863. No report was made upon it; but a year later the proposition became a part of an enrolment act. Nearly a year earlier, May 26, 1862, Sumner offered a resolution looking in the same direction (Works, vol. VII. p. 83); and in his speech at Faneuil Hall, Oct. 6, 1862, he urged the arming of slaves. Works, vol. VII. p. 214. Later in the year he
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
s deprecated by Republican journals, which expressed confidence in the President's good intentions, and regarded as disastrous to the party any premature conflict with him; Harper's Weekly, March 10, 1866. The New York Nation, Dec. 28, 1865, defended, against Sumner's imputation, the President's sincerity, truthfulness, frankness, and candor. but the greater part of these critics came to the senator's position a few months later. A change of feeling took place just two months later, February 9, when the President vetoed the Freedmen's Bureau bill. There was the same hesitation among senators, all others holding back from comments on the message. Sumner, who had watched Mr. Johnson closely ever since he came to Washington to be inaugurated as Vice-President, was satisfied that he had taken an irrevocable step in antagonism to just measures of reconstruction—a conviction in which he proved wiser than his associates—and he felt that time should not be lost in making an appeal to t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
f such an amendment were to be adopted it should cover all civil and political rights; Feb. 8 and 17, 1869, Congressional Globe, pp. 1008, 1298. He proposed a form which senators from the Pacific coast objected to as including the Chinese. (February 9, Globe, pp. 1030, 1033-1035.) Doolittle, in this as in former debates, called attention to Sumner's success in carrying his measures by agitation and persistence against opposition which it seemed at first impossible to overcome. but his chief color, at once irrational and beyond the power of any individual to remove, were not qualifications or regulations of suffrage which the States could prescribe. Feb. 5, 1869; Works, vol. XIII. pp. 34-52. He made further remarks, February 8 and 9 (Congressional Globe, pp. 986, 1041). He affirmed, as the supreme rule of interpretation, Anything for human rights is constitutional. . . . Whatever you enact for human rights is constitutional. There can be no State rights against human rights.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
ds to dine with him; and the same month he was present at a dinner given by Mr. Fenton in honor of Mr. Trumbull, who had just finished his service in the Senate. He wrote to Longfellow, January 27, of Mr. and Mrs. Agassiz, who had been in Washington just before:— I hope their visit has been pleasant. It added much to my happiness, although I could see them only in arm-chair and dressing-gown. I wish I could be as cheerful about my case as he is. He wrote to Wendell Phillips, February 9— Is it true that you are to lecture here next Friday? Then come direct from the station to my house, where you will be at home and welcome as long as you can stay. I hope you will find me much renovated. If not, then poisons fail in their work. God bless you! During these weary months he did not conceal from intimate friends his depression of spirits; and of these were Wendell Phillips and E. L. Pierce, who were his guests,—the latter in January, and the former in February. <