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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 371 371 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 18 18 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 15 15 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 12 12 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 11 11 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 2 10 10 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 11. (ed. Frank Moore) 10 10 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 8 8 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 3: The Decisive Battles. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 8 8 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 4. 7 7 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for April 3rd or search for April 3rd in all documents.

Your search returned 6 results in 5 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
s in 1849, and which he was to continue to the last day of his life. On this question he showed to the end the perseverance of the youth who carried to completion the plan of a pedestrian journey when his companions one after another left him to continue it alone. Ante, vol. i. p. 69. When appropriate bills were pending, he moved and advocated amendments to remove the disability of colored persons as witnesses in the courts of the United States, including proceedings for confiscation, April 3. Works, vol. VI. pp. 442-444; May 12 and June 28, vol. VI. pp. 502, 503; July 3, 7, and 15, vol. VII. pp. 152-161. and as carriers of mails. March 18, 1862. Works, vol. VI. p. 385-388. In these efforts he encountered unexpected resistance from Republican senators and representatives, sometimes on the ground that his motions were likely to defeat a beneficial measure,—for instance, from Hale and Clark of New Hampshire and Foster of Connecticut as to the removal of the former disabil
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
e—not only by Trumbull, but by Howard, Morrill of Maine, Fessenden, and Wilson—Sumner, although he had prepared himself on the Civil Rights bill, did not speak; but he watched the measure closely and with deep interest, approving it altogether, and recognizing it as a precedent for his own bill for equal political rights in the reconstructed States. Feb. 7, 1866; Congressional Globe, p. 707. Feb. 9, 1866; Globe, pp. 765-767. Works, vol. x. pp. 271-279. He wrote to the Duchess of Argyll, April 3:— These are trying days for us. I am more anxious now than during the war. The animal passions of the nation aided the rally then. Now the appeal is to the intelligence, and to the moral and religious sentiments. How strangely we are misrepresented in the Times. I read it always, and find nothing true in its portraiture of our affairs. Believe me, the people are with Congress. When it is considered that the President has such an amazing power, it is extraordinary to see how the c<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
fore our race. Thaddeus Stevens, W. Beach Lawrence, and John M. Forbes, but disapproved by George S. Boutwell, B. R. Wood of Albany, and Moses Pierce of Norwich, Conn. With rare exceptions, generally those of officers of the navy and of the coast survey, incredulity as to the value of the territory prevailed in the eastern and middle sections of the country. To them it was an unknown land, as yet without a name, except that of Russian America. Sumner occupied in executive session, April 9, three hours in the explanation and defence of the treaty, speaking with a single sheet of notes before him; Works, vol. XI. pp. 181-349. and the ratification was carried by thirty-seven yeas to two nays, the negative votes being those of Fessenden and Morrill of Vermont. At the request of the senators, Sumner wrote out his speech for publication, and the injunction of secrecy was removed. The work of amplifying his original speech with details and authorities consumed six weeks,—the greater
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
nesses, and the committee summoned any whose names he gave. Both he and Sumner testified, though refusing to reveal communications made to them in confidence. Sumner was requested by the committee in writing to appear as a witness. He came before it and read a protest; March 26. Works, vol. XV. pp. 45-55. and the committee, on Carpenter's motion, then ordered his appearance by a subpoena. No process for contempt would have issued in case of his further refusal. Boston Journal, April 3. He came the next day, and after reading another protest, waived his right, and submitted March 27. Works, vol. XV. pp. 56-60. himself for examination. Sumner had on previous occasions maintained that the inquisitorial power of the Senate should be kept within strict limits. In the Senate, March 12 and June 15, 1860, Works, vol. IV. pp. 426-440; May 18 and 27, 1871, Ibid., vol. XIV. pp. 284-305. His protests, while declaring that he had nothing to conceal either in the present ca
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
ut he would not yield to their persuasions. He was always morbidly sensitive about being in debt, and this time about the debt he had incurred on account of his last journey and his heavy bills for medical attendance. To E. L. Pierce he wrote, April 3: I am yet in debt for my European trip last autumn, and no temptation can make me repeat this indiscretion, and reduce still more my small capital. Evidently you do not consider my expenses,—my house, clerk hire here, salary to proof-readers atsympathetic intercourse with the historian. Among the guests were the young Lord Roseberry, and Longfellow and his daughter, afterwards Mrs. Dana. His letters show how he kept English friends and affairs in mind. To Lady Hatherton he wrote, April 3:— I was glad that you remembered me, although you could not restrain an allusion which I do not think I deserved. It became my duty to set forth the wrong done to my country by England during our terrible Civil War. The pain that cost me