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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
things shall go forth to the South and the world as the feeling of the great city of New York. Every citizen has a right, legally, and more than morally, to have his say at the amalgamation meeting on Tuesday. The Union expects every man to do his duty; and duty to the Union, in the present crisis, points out to us that we should allow no more fuel to be placed upon the fire of abolitionism in our midst, when we can prevent it by sound reasoning and calm remonstrances. May 7, 1850. On May 2, the Herald returned to the subject, drawing somewhat nearer to the leader of the anti-slavery delegates. Of these it said: They will be full of all kinds of assaults upon all kinds of Lib. 20.73. decency, and upon liberty itself. They will assault the people, the nation, the Constitution, the Representatives and Senators in Congress assembled, the President, the laws, and the press. Having dealt their blows upon these till the game is stale, they will next attack the church, then
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1, Chapter 7: study in a law office.—Visit to Washington.—January, 1854, to September, 1834.—Age, 23. (search)
believed with that dear friend that all possibilities for a legal and literary career of great brilliancy lay before this young man, so gifted, so fond of culture, so persevering in the study of his profession, so appreciative of, and so enthusiastic for, all that is good and fine. Shortly after Sumner's return from Washington, Judge Story pressed him to accept a connection with the Law School as instructor; but the offer was declined. An extract from his classmate Browne's letter, of May 2, shows the latter's view of Sumner's probable future:— In the concluding lines of your letter, which I received this morning, you seemed to see and lament the course which fortune and your stars appear to have marked out for you. I see no reason for lamentation, but rather much for congratulation and rejoicing. The course of events, or rather your own might and main, have opened to you the very path your feet were made to tread. Let me speak plainly what I plainly discern and feel.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
t of the world regards me as a most fortunate man, with a prospect of peculiar brilliancy. The antislavery cause in Massachusetts is destined shortly to a complete and absolute triumph. The Boston set, chiefly from State Street, are profoundly ignorant of the real sentiment of the Commonwealth. I know it thoroughly. They remind me of the Bourbons and their friends. I long to commune with you on these things, and to draw from your treasures of experience and study. To John Bigelow, May 2:— I would not affect a feeling which I have not, nor have I any temptation to do it; but I should not be frank if I did not say to you that I have no personal joy in this election. Now that the office is in my hands, I feel more than ever a distaste for its duties and struggles as compared with other spheres. Every heart knoweth its own secret, and mine has never been in the Senate of the United States, nor is it there yet. Most painfully do I feel my inability to meet the importance
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
the Free State settlers as daring and defiant revolutionists. Also as rebels and revolutionists, April 10. Benjamin, May 2, called them conspirators. In his references to Republican senators, he continued to speak of them as black Republicans. bate. Clay of Alabama imputed to Hale the practice of seeking the society of Southern senators and fawning upon them, May 2. The threat of social ostracism came frequently during the session from slaveholding members. The idea was in the Southebate should be suspended till the 19th, when he would be entitled to the floor. He had already signified his purpose on May 2, when Douglas was pressing the bill, to address the Senate upon it; and for some weeks before, his intention to speak at length was a matter of public knowledge. When he stated his purpose, May 2, Butler was in the Senate, and continued to participate in debates as late as the 6th. Congressional Globe, pp. 1117, 1119. He then went home to South Carolina with full
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 41: search for health.—journey to Europe.—continued disability.—1857-1858. (search)
doning a breakfast at Mr. Senior's, where I was to meet Main, the head of the late Venetian Republic, and Lord Ashburton. April 28. In the house all the time till to-day, when I wrapt up and went to the exhibition of Paul de la Roche's pictures, which pleased me. May 1. Sent letters to the [American] merchants, declining a public dinner. John Munroe, E. C. Cowdin, Thomas N. Dale, H. Woods, W. Endicott, Jr., etc. Sumner's letter will be found in his Works, vol. IV. pp. 402-405. May 2. At last got out to-day. During all this time I have read and seen company. I have hired a Frenchman who does not know English to come every forenoon to read and speak French with me. Went to the Institute and heard the discourse of M. Mignet on Lakaual. Joseph Lakanal, 17,2-1845. a French writer and naturalist; a Republican and revolutionist, living in the United States 1815-1837; at one time President of the University of Louisiana. Incidentally the lecturer made some comments unfav
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 14 (search)
unities I let slip. Why did I not press you to go with me to the Capitol and the Vatican? Why did I not press Wild to a similar service in the picture galleries? But I have stored away much; Rome now, as when I first saw it, touches me more than any other place. Then I have been so happy with you. Perhaps it will be long before we meet again; but I cannot forget those latter delicious days. God bless you! and give my love to Emelyn and to Edith, and kisses to the boys. To Dr. Howe, May 2:— Crawford's studio interested me much; but I was strongly of opinion that it would be best to abandon all idea of continuing the doors. His sketches seemed to be in a very crude condition; so that if the doors were finished according to them, I feared they would not come up to his great fame, or sustain the competition with the careful works of other artists; and if the sketches were completed by another hand, then the work would in great measure cease to be Crawford's. His well-fill
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
se of Representatives will not make a demand for the instant payment of our claims; but I trust this question will in some way be put in train of settlement before the next session. Mr. Seward shows considerable vitality. The broken jaw is now the troublesome part of his case. Poor Frederick is well for one who has been so low; but his case is still doubtful. He speaks very little, and of course the extent of his injuries cannot be measured. Cruel devil—that assassin! To Lieber, May 2:— I read to President Johnson Colonel Baker's letter, Of North Carolina, late a Confederate officer. with your introduction. He said at once that he accepted every word of it; that colored persons are to have the right of suffrage; that no State can be precipitated into the Union; that rebel States must go through a term of probation. All this he had said to me before. Ten days ago the chief-justice and myself visited him in the evening to speak of these things. I was charmed by
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
e. It could not be taken up in the House without & two-thirds vote. It will be hard to find in our history parallels to such pertinacity as Sumner's repeated efforts to carry his civil-rights bill at this session. Sumner reported from the committee on the District of Columbia a bill to secure equality of rights in schools in the District, and to abolish separate colored schools in it; but notwithstanding his repeated efforts to obtain a vote upon it, he did not succeed. April 17. 18; May 2, 4, 6, 7; Congressional Globe, pp. 2484, 2539, 2540, 2985, 3056, 3057, 3099, 3124. Sumner's distinction as the tribune of the colored people deserves emphasis in this connection. Others saw the evil of slavery, and did their best to extirpate it; others saw in the enfranchised slaves a political force, possibly a decisive one in national elections, and then, as later, they devised means to promote and protect their rights as voters; but Sumner alone and at all times insisted on their eq
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley, chapter 14 (search)
oe medals, Tippecanoe badges, Tippecanoe flags, Tippecanoe handkerchiefs, Tippecanoe almanacs, and Tippecanoe shaving-soap. All other interests were swallowed up in the one interest of the election. All noises were drowned in the cry of Tippecanoe and Tyler too. The man who contributed most to keep alive and increase the popular enthusiasm, the man who did most to feed that enthusiasm with the substantial fuel of fact and argument, was, beyond all question, Horace Greeley. On the second of May, the first number of the Log-Cabin appeared, by H. Greeley & Co., a weekly paper, to be published simultaneonsly at New York and Albany, at fifty cents for the campaign of six months. It was a small paper, about half the size of the present Tribune; but it was conducted with wonderful spirit, and made an unprecedented hit. Of the first number, an edition of twenty thousand was printed, which Mr. Greeley's friends thought a far greater number than would be sold; but the edition vanished f
y, Official War Records, 39, p 483 Good descriptions may also be found in Underwood's 33d Mass. and in Macnamara's Irish Ninth, p. 185. The battle of Chancellorsville is chiefly identified, in the public mind, with the humiliating surprise of May 2, though this was really only one event out of a series. Even during this very defeat the steadfastness of the 2d Corps, whose soldiers held their ranks unmoved while thousands of frightened men ran by them, is to be set against the stampede of tmplimented by General Hancock for the manner in which himself and regiment performed the arduous duties which devolved upon them on the extreme left, sustaining unaided the attacks made by the enemy to force that position during the entire day of May 2. Among those who fell during the three days at Chancellorsville were Gen. Amiel W. Whipple, Capts. Charles E. Rand of the 1st Mass. Infantry, Alexander J. Dallas of the 16th and William G. Hewins of the 18th. Capts. George Bush and William Cor
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