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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 489 489 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 166 166 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 164 164 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 63 63 Browse Search
John Beatty, The Citizen-Soldier; or, Memoirs of a Volunteer 63 63 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 56 56 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 35 35 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition. 30 30 Browse Search
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life 30 30 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 29 29 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for July or search for July in all documents.

Your search returned 5 results in 4 document sections:

Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 4: (search)
nd there sustained those personal rights which, after the fall of the Heptarchy, were almost obliterated by the encroachments of Norman despotism; having the strength and perpetuity of truth and right, they were reasserted by the mailed hands of the barons at Runnymede for their own benefit and that of their posterity. Englishmen, the early settlers, brought this idea to the wilds of America, and it found expression in many forms among the infant colonies. Edward Everett, in his Fourth-of-July address delivered in New York in 1861, following the lead of Judge Story, and with even less caution, boldly declares that, before their independence of England was asserted, they [the colonies] constituted a provincial people. To sustain this position—utterly contrary to all history as it is—he is unable to adduce any valid American authority, but relies almost exclusively upon loose expressions employed in debate in the British Parliament about the period of the American Revolution—such as<
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 5: (search)
es of the President's full discussion of the question of the day to urge upon him respectfully, but in the most earnest manner, a course of policy which would give peace to the country, and especially the withdrawal of all orders contemplating the passage of troops through any part of Maryland. The legislature of the state of Maryland appointed commissioners to the Confederate government to suggest to it the cessation of impending hostilities until the meeting of Congress at Washington in July. Commissioners with like instructions were also sent to Washington. In my reply to the commissioners, dated May 25, 1861, I referred to the uniform expression of desire for peace on the part of the Confederate government, and added: In deference to the State of Maryland, it again asserts in the most emphatic terms that its sincere and earnest desire is for peace; but that, while the Government would readily entertain any proposition from the Government of the United States tending to a
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 8: (search)
ucky had no power, moral or physical, to prevent the United States government from using her soil as best might suit is purposes in the war it was waging for the subjugation of the seceded states. President Lincoln, in his message of the previous July, had distinctly and reproachfully spoken of the idea of neutrality as existing in some of the border states. He said: To prevent the Union forces passing one way, or the disunion the other, over their soil, would be disunion completed. . . . At ae general welfare as to place him in the front rank of the statesmen of his day: Bowling Green, Kentucky, October 8, 1861. In obedience, as I supposed, to your wishes, I proceeded to Washington, and at the special session of Congress, in July, spoke and voted against the whole war policy of the President and Congress; demanding, in addition, for Kentucky, the right to refuse, not men only, but money also, to the war, for I would have blushed to meet you with the confession that I had p
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 11: (search)
When at that time and place I met General Johnston for conference, he called in the two generals next in rank to himself, Beauregard and G. W. Smith. The question for consideration was, What course should be adopted for the future action of the army? and the preliminary inquiry by me was as to the number of the troops there assembled. To my surprise and disappointment, the effective strength was stated to be but little greater than when it fought the battle of the 21st of the preceding July. The frequent reenforcements which had been sent to that army in no wise prepared me for such an announcement. To my inquiry as to what force would be required for the contemplated advance into Maryland, the lowest estimate made by any of them was about twice the number there present for duty. How little I was prepared for such a condition of things will be realized from the fact that previous suggestions by the generals in regard to a purpose to advance into Maryland had induced me, when