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er officials of New Orleans looked upon this proposed action as revolutionary, and by the time the convention assembled (July 30), such bitterness of feeling prevailed that efforts were made by the mayor and city police to suppress the meeting. A had been called by affairs on the Rio Grande. On my way up from the mouth of the Mississippi I was met on the night of July 30 by one of my staff, who reported what had occurred, giving the details of the massacre — no milder term is fitting-and ided was embraced in the committee's report, and among other conclusions reached were the following: That the meeting of July 30 was a meeting of quiet citizens, who came together without arms and with intent peaceably to discuss questions of public of justifiable cause, resulting in a massacre so inhuman and fiendlike, as that which took place at New Orleans on the 30 of July last. This riotous attack upon the convention, with its terrible results of massacre and murder, was not an accident.
has been made for the cause of removal, I would respectfully state as follows: The court over which Judge Abell presided is the only criminal court in the city of New Orleans, and for a period of at least nine months previous to the riot of July 30 he had been educating a large portion of the community to the perpetration of this outrage, by almost promising no prosecution in his court against the offenders, in case such an event occurred. The records of his court will show that he fulfilthe whole nation by indicting the victims of the riot instead of the rioters; in other words, making the innocent guilty and the guilty innocent. He was therefore, in my belief, an able coadjutor with Judge Abell in bringing on the massacre of July 30. Mayor Monroe controlled the element engaged in this riot, and when backed by an attorney-general who would not prosecute the guilty, and a judge who advised the grand jury to find the innocent guilty and let the murderers go free, felt secu