Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for August 11th or search for August 11th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
slaves. Strange it seems to me that I, who so sincerely accept the principles of peace, should be mixed up in this terrible war. But I see no way in which England can get cotton speedily except through our success. England ought to help us with her benedictions, for she is interested next to ourselves. But her adverse sympathies help put off the good day. All here are grateful to you for your strong and noble words. God bless you! I say with all my heart. To the Duchess of Argyll, August 11:— At last I am at home, after eight months of uninterrupted labor at Washington. The late Congress was one of the most important legislative bodies of which there is any record. Few have acted on so many important measures, relating to army, navy, tariff, taxation; and then the great questions of a railroad to the Pacific; a free homestead on the public lands to all actual settlers; emancipation in the District of Columbia; prohibition of slavery in all the outlying Territories; th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
of the President's plan inevitable, and counselled trust in an overruling Providence, adding, I know the potency of your great idea of the duty of a statesman to create rather than to be controlled by circumstances; but this creation requires time. Three members of the Cabinet—Speed, Harlan, and Dennison—who were then deaf to Sumner's entreaties, retired from it in a twelve month, unwilling to compromise themselves by further association with the Administration. Sumner wrote to Lieber, August 11:— The attorney-general (Speed) is the best of the Cabinet; but they are all courtiers, unhappily, as if they were the counsellors of a king. Preston King and Mr. Blair went to the President when he was intoxicated, and took him away from the hotel and sheltered him at the house of Mr. Blair. Hinc amicitia! Sumner's correspondence at the time discloses little sympathy with his steadfast support of colored suffrage against the President's plan. Members of Congress were confused b<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
sition, the blacks have done wonderfully well. They should have had a Moses as President; but they have found a Pharaoh, as I have often said. Reconstruction should have had sympathy and support, with gentle breezes always in the right direction, while it has had enmity and position, with adverse gales and storms. I hope that we can save it under the next Administration. I read the duke's speech with great interest, and the bishop's, and am glad Longfellow was there. To Mr. Bright, August 11:— It is long since we have exchanged letters, and I now employ my last moments before leaving for Boston to keep alive our correspondence. Events have been in more active than any pens, whether in England or the United States. I watch with constant interest the increasing strength of the liberal cause, and look forward to its accession to power with you as home secretary, at least, if you choose to enter a cabinet. Mr. Bright became in December, 1868, President of the Board of T
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
reasonable and unnecessary and very unfortunate jealousy. Of a different temper was Sumner in dealing with old coadjutors. He thus wrote to Whittier:— I have not read Mr. Garrison's letter. Some one said it was unkind, and I made up my mind at once not'to read it,—of course, never to answer it. I never allowed myself to have controversy with him in other days when we differed on methods, because I knew he was earnest against slavery. I shall join in no controversy now. Again, August 11:— Never have I acted more absolutely under the mandate of duty, not to be disobeyed, than in my present course. Profoundly convinced of Grant's unfitness, and feeling that a man like Greeley, President, would mark an epoch for .humanity, I could not resist the opportunity, especially when Democrats took him as their candidate, and pledged themselves to all that is contained in the Cincinnati platform. From the beginning, while insisting upon all possible securities and safeguards, <