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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 506 506 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 279 279 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 141 141 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 64 64 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 55 55 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 43 43 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died. 43 43 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 34 34 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 32 32 Browse Search
John Beatty, The Citizen-Soldier; or, Memoirs of a Volunteer 29 29 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for October or search for October in all documents.

Your search returned 6 results in 5 document sections:

Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 5 (search)
t is that but the prejudices of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts against man-hunting? And this is the man before whom the press and the pulpit of the country would have had the Abolitionists bow their heads, and lay their mouths in the dust, instead of holding fast to the eternal principles of justice and right! It would be idle, to be sure, to base any argument on an opinion of Mr. Webster's. Like the chameleon, he takes his hue, on these subjects, from the air he breathes He has his October sun opinion, and his Faneuil Hall opinions. But the recantation here is at least noticeable; and his testimony to the power of the masses is more valuable as coming from an unwilling witness. The best of us are conscious of being, at times, somewhat awed by the colossal institutions about us, which seem to be opposing our progress. There are those who occasionally weary of this moral suasion, and sigh for something tangible; some power that they can feel, and see its operation. The adva
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 6 (search)
before the Senate, did not dare to vote, but dodged the question, afraid to be wholly Southerner or Northerner, and striving in vain to outdo Winthrop in facing both ways. [Cheers.] Three cheers for the man who went into Virginia, and, under an October sun of the Old Dominion, pledged himself-the recreant New Englander!-to silence on the slave question; a pledge infamous enough in itself, but whose infamy was doubled when he broke it only to speak against the slave on the 7th of March, 1850. the level of what we call antislavery, show us at least this cheering sign. While speaking, they have turned their faces toward Massachusetts. They reflect the public opinion of the State they represent. They look to Faneuil Hall, not to the October sun of the Old Dominion. Now, Mr. Chairman, if we can come to this hall, year after year; if we can hold these meetings; if we can sustain any amount of ridicule for the sake of antislavery; if we can fill yonder State-House with legislative ac
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 18 (search)
s Mr. Lincoln sturdily insisting that his honor is pledged to keep in office every promise made in the platform. Then Mr. Seward shifts his course, saying: Since my abolitionism cannot take the wind from my rival's sails, I'll get credit as a Conservative. Accepting the premiership, I will forestall public opinion, and do all possible to bind the coming administration to a policy which I originate. He offers to postpone the whole Chicago platform, in order to save the Union,--though last October, at Chicago, he told us postponement never settles anything, whether it is a lawsuit or a national question; better be beat and try again than postpone. This speech of Mr. Seward I regard as a declaration of war against the avowed policy of the incoming President. If Lincoln were an Andrew Jackson, as his friends aver, he would dismiss Mr. Seward from his Cabinet. The incoming administration, if honest and firm, has two enemies to fight,--Mr. Seward and the South. His power is larg
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 25 (search)
ces of these stop with the people who sleep on this peninsula? Does not our influence radiate in every direction? Do not twenty thousand men do business here, but not sleep here? A third of the wealth! Who owns it? We that sleep here? Not at all. These costly railroad depots, these rich banks, these large aggregates of property, who owns them? Why, the men that live ten, twenty, thirty miles outside of the city limits, and come in here in crowds the first of January, April, July, and October, to get their dividends. Men who have millions invested on this peninsula no interest in knowing whether the streets are safe l Sending their sons into our streets,--no interest in their being morally wholesome! Trusting their lives here,--no interest in their being safe! A fortnight ago, a woman, a teacher in a country town within twenty miles of Boston, missed her father,--an honest, temperate farmer, though not a teetotaler. He came to the city to sell cattle, and had received five
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 26 (search)
Convention, announced that the dissension between the States was not between great States and little, but between Free States and Slave. Even then the conflict had begun. In 1833, Mr. Adams said, on the floor of Congress: Whether Slave and Free States can cohere into one Union is a matter of theoretical speculation. We are trying the experiment. In June, 1858, Mr. Lincoln used the language: This country is half slave and half free. It must become either wholly slave or wholly free. In October of the same year, Mr. Seward, in his great irrepressible conflict speech at Rochester, said: The most pregnant remark of Napoleon is, that Europe is half Cossack and half republican. The systems are not only inconsistent, they are incompatible ; they never did exist under one government They never can. Our fathers, he goes on to say, recognized this truth. They saw the conflict developing when they made the Constitution. And while tenderconscienced and tender-hearted men lament this st